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Fantastic beasts and why to conserve them: animals,
magic and biodiversity conservation
G E O R G E H O L M E S , T H O M A S A N E U R I N S M I T H and C A R O L I N E W A R D
Abstract There is a broad set of human beliefs, attitudes interactions produce benefits and costs for both biodiversity
and behaviours around the issue of magical animals, refer- and people. Yet there is an often-overlooked complexity to
ring to both mythical animals not recognized by science and these cases, with important implications for conservation
extant animals that are recognized by science but have outcomes. The species involved are either not recognized
magical properties. This is a broad issue ranging from spir- by science, or the properties of these species that local people
itual beliefs around mythical animals living in Malagasy for- resent or value are not recognized by science. The Icelandic
ests, to cultural heritage associated with the Loch Ness protesters were protecting the habitat of Huldufólk, or elves.
Monster in Scotland. Beliefs and behaviours around magical Ecotourists in Scotland were seeking the Loch Ness Monster
animals can have positive and negative impacts on biodiver- Nessiteras rhombopteryx. The Ethiopian hyaenas provide
sity conservation goals. Yet, so far, the discipline of conser- the ecosystem service of eating evil spirits. The Malagasy
vation biology has not adequately considered magical snakes harm humans and cattle by transforming into
animals, neglecting to account for the broader knowledge sharp spear-like forms and dropping from trees. We argue
from outside the natural sciences on this issue, and taking that conservationists should take magical animals seriously,
a narrow, utilitarian approach to how magical animals because they have important positive and negative implica-
should be managed, without necessarily considering the tions for many species and habitats. Magical animals have
broader impacts on conservation goals or ethics. Here we been neglected and oversimplified within conservation,
explore how magical animals can influence conservation probably because of a lack of training in relevant disciplines
goals, how conservation biology and practice has thought and an overly utilitarian view of human–animal relations,
about magical animals, and some of the limitations of cur- and this has harmed the ability to conserve species.
rent approaches, particularly the failure to consider magical We begin with a brief typology of magical and mythical
animals as part of wider systems of belief and culture. We animals, before outlining the complexities and diversity in
argue that magical animals and their implications for con- beliefs on magical and mythical animals across the global
servation merit wider consideration. South and North. We then explore how magical animals
affect broader conservation goals, and how they compare
Keywords Conservation, ethics, Madagascar, magic,
to other spiritual and similar issues in conservation,
snakes, spirituality, Tanzania
followed by a critique of existing conservation literature
on magic. Two case studies of magical animals, in
Madagascar and Tanzania, illustrate in detail some of
Introduction these trends in two countries with significant conservation
activity, and the inadequacies of how conservation has ap-
n a proposed new highway in Iceland was contested
I in court on the basis that it would cross the habitat of a
valued species (The Guardian, ). In , , tour-
proached magical animals. We conclude by exploring ways
to understand the conservation implications of magical
creatures.
ists visited a site in Scotland primarily because it is inhabited
by a rare, endemic animal (ASVA, ), supporting a thriving
ecotourism industry. Hyaenas Crocuta crocuta in Ethiopia
Magic, animals and contemporary human societies
are tolerated because they provide vital provisioning ecosys-
tem services that benefit local communities (Baynes-Rock, Magical animals are complex. They are found worldwide, al-
). In Madagascar, in contrast, some snakes are per- though beliefs are locally specific and dynamic. They blur
secuted because they provide ecosystem disservices, harm- boundaries between magic, spirituality, culture, tradition
ful to human health (Tingle, ). These are seemingly and politics. We discuss here two kinds of magical animals:
straightforward conservation stories, where human–animal mythical species not recognized by science, such as the Loch
Ness Monster and Icelandic elves, and extant-but-magical
GEORGE HOLMES (Corresponding author) and CAROLINE WARD University of
species that are recognized by science but have properties
Leeds, UK. E-mail g.holmes@leeds.ac.uk that are not, such as spirit-eating in hyaenas, or spear-like
THOMAS ANEURIN SMITH University of Cardiff, UK behaviours in snakes. This joint focus is justified for three
Received December . Revision requested March . reasons. Firstly, both are associated with protection of spe-
Accepted April . First published online July . cies and habitats in many locations, including in Western/
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. https://doi.org/10.1017/S003060531700059X
Oryx, 2018, 52(2), 231–239 © 2017 Fauna & Flora International doi:10.1017/S003060531700059X232 G. Holmes et al.
‘modern’/‘scientific’ societies and cultures. Secondly, where- In Sikkim, India, the Lepcha people have harnessed their
as zoologists would distinguish between mythical and spiritual worldviews in an ethnic–nationalist project,
extant-but-magical, local people treat them in very similar, (re)constructing their indigenous identity around sacred
if not identical, ways. From the perspective of studying forest and species protection (Arora, ). By laying
human culture and behaviour, the divisions between when claim to sacred spaces and species as being under their
a creature is regarded as extant, mythical or as heritage can care, particular indigenous cultures could gain access to,
be somewhat artificial. Thirdly, both have been neglected and control over, places and resources.
within mainstream conservation literature. Here we define
conservation as activities to preserve biological diversity
and its associated values and services. Magical animals, conservation rationalities and the
Concern for magical animals, and a broader assemblage conservation of non-magical biodiversity
between the spiritual and the ecological, is not confined to
indigenous communities of the global South (Abrahams, For conservationists, interactions between humans and
). Societies of the global North remain suffused with magical animals can be categorized according to how they
magic, spiritualism, witchcraft and the occult (Comaroff & benefit or harm extant biodiversity, although these categor-
Comaroff, ). There are degrees by which individuals in ies can overlap and interact in complex ways. Firstly, some
all societies may hold the supposedly dissected worldviews species are tolerated or encouraged because of a belief in
of the scientific and the spiritual, magical or religious, evi- their magical properties. In Accra, Ghana, vultures are asso-
denced by the persistence of the fantastic (including magical ciated with magic, and therefore harming them is consid-
animals) in popular culture (Rountree, ), and in major ered to bring bad luck (Campbell, ). This leads to
and minor religions, cults and witchcrafts (Moore & demonstrable differences in attitudes and behaviours to-
Sanders, ). Beliefs in magical animals are dynamic, wards vultures between those who hold these beliefs, and
and can transcend from the spiritual or mystical to become those who do not. Such beliefs are most likely to be held
cultural heritage (Comaroff & Comaroff, ), such as the by older women, and least likely to be held by younger
Loch Ness Monster, Welsh dragons and the Beast of men, who tend to have a formal, western-informed educa-
Bodmin Moor in the UK, trolls in Denmark (Karrebæk & tion, although increasing numbers of scavengers may
Maegaard, ), and various lake-dwelling monsters across strengthen magical beliefs (Campbell, ). The spread
the globe, including the Kanas Lake Monster in Xinjiang, of nationalized formal education, conversion to major reli-
China, the Seljordsormen in Norway, the Lagarfjót Worm gions, and heightened immigration to certain communities
in Iceland, and the Storsjöodjuret of Sweden (the latter have all reduced the efficacy of local worldviews and asso-
was briefly given protected status by the Swedish ciated magical creatures (Metcalfe et al., ), although
Environmental Protection Agency but this was later revoked witchcraft and spiritualism appear to be rising in modern
by the Swedish Parliament; Sandelin, ). Alongside these Africa (Kohnert, ). The survival of large predators out-
notable mythical creatures are more general magical asso- side protected areas depends on their acceptance or toler-
ciations with extant species; for example, black cats and ance by local communities, forged by place-specific
magpies (Peltzer, ). Ongoing shifts are partly attribut- circumstances in which spiritual beliefs may play a key
able to syncretic religions appropriating pagan, folk and in- part (Pooley et al., ). In Kombolcha, Ethiopia, hyaenas
digenous worldviews around magical creatures, both are tolerated and encouraged, despite many instances of hy-
historically in Europe, and ongoing in Africa, India and else- aena attacks on humans, particularly children. Hyaenas are
where (Chandran & Hughes, ; Ormsby & Bhagwat, believed to bring supernatural messages through their
; Frascaroli, ). Magical animals can be powerful pol- howls, eat evil spirits, and thus protect local people. These
itical tools in struggles over biodiversity and natural re- beliefs coexist alongside recognition of more conventional
sources, as identity and culture associated with magical ecosystem services provided by hyaenas, such as predation
animals is re-worked as a political project. Icelandic on crop-raiding herbivores, and collectively these underpin
Huldufólk are a synecdoche of the agrarian, rural, traditional attitudes towards hyaenas (Baynes-Rock, ). Local beliefs
past in a country that has transitioned rapidly and relatively in the magical properties of hyaenas pre-date Islam, and
recently into an urban, industrial, globally connected soci- survive only because of the incompleteness of people’s con-
ety; even recent reports of sightings of Huldufólk describe version to Islam. In some areas of Brazil, a belief that dol-
them wearing traditional farming dress rather than modern phins can magically transform into people underpins local
clothing. As such, arguments about defending their habitat attitudes and behaviour, and ultimately the conservation of
can be more about defending ideals of past landscapes and dolphins in these places (Alves & Rosa, ), although, as
traditions, and less about a sincere belief in the existence of explored below, closely related beliefs have also led to nega-
elves (Hafstein, ). Such arguments are particularly tive outcomes for dolphins. Magical animals can act as um-
powerful given the place of Huldufólk in Icelandic culture. brella species, whose conservation benefits and protects
Oryx, 2018, 52(2), 231–239 © 2017 Fauna & Flora International doi:10.1017/S003060531700059X
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. https://doi.org/10.1017/S003060531700059XAnimals, magic and conservation 233
other species occupying the same habitat, as with the Ormsby & Bhagwat, ). Sacred sites are relatively
Huldufólk. straightforward for conservationists to comprehend: as de-
In other instances, beliefs in magical animals are inciden- fined territories with norms and rules of resource (non) use,
tal to conservation goals. Some groups in the Serengeti, they closely resemble other forms of protected areas and can
Tanzania, consider certain animals to be sacred totems, be included in IUCN definitions and databases of protected
with spiritual connections to these groups. Hunting of areas (Borrini-Feyerabend et al., ). Sacred sites are often
these animals should follow specific procedures and rituals analysed using concepts and approaches typically used for
to prevent bad luck. Such beliefs prevent some groups from understanding protected areas and common pool resources.
poaching elephants for ivory, but are not sufficiently wide- This overlooks the complexities of the spiritual beliefs
spread to have a significant impact (Kideghesho, ; underpinning these areas, their past evolution and possible
Kaufmann, ). In East Africa, such beliefs have been wea- future directions, and implies that such sites owe their exist-
kened by decades of colonial and postcolonial suppression ence to a conservation ethic, not a spiritual one (Salick et al.,
of traditional spiritual activities, and the spread of ; Kibet, ). The literature emphasizes the positive
Christianity. contribution of sacred sites to conservation, rather than
A belief in the magical properties of animals can impede their negative consequences. In contrast, magical animals
their conservation, and magical animals are sometimes ac- are less easy for conservationists to conceptualize using
tively persecuted, such as aye-ayes Daubentonia madagas- dominant conservation concepts. We focus on the positive
cariensis in Madagascar, and Caribbean owls. Such beliefs and negative implications of magical animals for conserva-
are rarely considered within literature on human–wildlife tion, and on the rationalities and beliefs underpinning
conflict. In other cases, a belief that certain species possess human relations with magical animals, in order to under-
magical properties can lead to unsustainable rates of har- stand their dynamics and possible futures.
vesting (e.g. of dolphins and several species of reptiles in Thirdly, there is a smaller body of literature on the impli-
some areas of Brazil; Alves & Rosa, ; Alves et al., cations of taboos (customary prohibitions on resource use)
). Conservationists propose solutions such as captive for conservation (Virtanen, ). As with sacred sites, this
breeding and promotion of alternative, sustainable, magical literature understands taboos using institutional approaches
products. Persecution or harvesting rates of extant-but- typically used for conceptualizing common pool resources,
magical animals may increase with increased access to and tends to assume such resources are protected by a con-
better technology, or integration of communities into com- servation ethic, not a spiritual one (Byers et al., ;
modity chains (Dickman et al., ). Impediments to con- Kideghesho, ). It also focuses on taboos within trad-
servation can also be less direct; e.g. in some parts of Papua itional societies (typically meaning indigenous groups in
New Guinea, communities argue that some species will the global South), rather than the diversity of societies repre-
never become extinct because the local people know sented within cases of magical animals. Where this literature
magic spells to make the species return to that area does consider sacred sites in the global North, it focuses
(Bastyte et al., ). largely on forest sites and their past religious significance ra-
Although magical animals rarely feature in the conserva- ther than contemporary society (Chandran & Hughes,
tion literature, there are other parallel issues that feature ; Frascaroli, ). Literature on taboos focuses, by def-
more prominently. A focus on magical animals both extends inition, on instances of non-use of resources, whereas our
and illuminates problems within this literature. Firstly, there focus goes beyond this to include wider relations with
is research on religion and conservation, such as that asso- magical and spiritual aspects of nature, antagonism between
ciated with the Religion and Conservation Biology Working people and nature, and persecution of biodiversity.
Group of the Society for Conservation Biology. This focuses Studying magical animals has the potential to strengthen
largely on established mainstream religions, and on broad and broaden the literature on spiritual aspects of biodiver-
interactions between environmental ethics and religious be- sity conservation, yet several problems regarding how con-
liefs (e.g. McDaniel, ). Here we focus instead on rela- servation has previously conceptualized spirituality and
tively marginal religious beliefs, on particular species magical animals need to be addressed. Firstly, conservation
rather than broad attitudes, and on instances where spiritual is primarily about ‘modifying human actions to minimize
or magical beliefs have transformed into cultural heritage, their negative impacts upon biodiversity’ (St John et al.,
yet still exert an influence on human behaviour and on con- , p. ), yet within conservation, people are mostly re-
servation outcomes, a blurrier definition of spiritual dimen- garded as rational decision makers, or Homo economicus.
sions of nature. This means spiritual and magical beliefs, which are per-
Secondly, there is substantial work on sacred sites and ceived as irrational, are often absent from conservationists’
other culturally and spiritually protected areas set aside understanding of threats to biodiversity, such as human–
from resource use, which are increasingly recognized for wildlife conflict. For example, research on human–predator
their contribution to conservation (Anthwal et al., ; conflicts in the Caribbean (e.g. Turvey et al., ) has
Oryx, 2018, 52(2), 231–239 © 2017 Fauna & Flora International doi:10.1017/S003060531700059X
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viewed persecution of owls and mongooses through the lens of phenomena (Stambach, ). In South Africa and
of rationality, even though mongoose persecution is an eco- Tanzania witchcraft has been recognized by the state
nomically rational response to predation of chickens, through law, and through state practices that officialize
whereas owls are persecuted because they are considered witch-finding (Kohnert, ; Mesaki, ). Occult prac-
to be evil spirits in many branches of syncretic vodou tices that harness the harmful properties of magical crea-
(Wiley, ). The natural science bias of conservation tures, such as witches using snakes to attack their victims
often leads to an approach in which emotion is considered (Bjerke, ), can have negative effects on the social fabric
to be anathema to rational decision making (Nelson et al., of local societies (Eves & Forsyth, ).
). Secondly, relatively few conservationists have been Yet instead of seeing magic and spirituality as part of a
trained in social science or humanities disciplines that broader system, conservation interventions have tended to
deal with irrational aspects of human beliefs and behaviours, pick out individual aspects of beliefs or culture to either
despite the many calls for an interdisciplinary conservation strengthen (if considered pro-conservation) or weaken
science that values methods and inputs from outside the and change (if considered anti-conservation). These sim-
natural sciences (St John et al., ; Bennett et al., ). plistic practices lack attention to local realities, nullifying
In this context the expanding literature on the environmen- the rhetoric behind local and participatory forms of conser-
tal humanities, rarely explored by conservation, is relevant vation (Verschuuren, ; Dudley et al., ). Treating
(Sörlin, ). Magical animals have been examined by dis- spiritual worldviews on magical animals as forms of envir-
ciplines such as ethnoecology (Alves, ), environmental onmental management, without considering the broader
history (Pooley, ), and social anthropology (e.g. Knight, system in which these aspects occur, can cause problems
). This literature is too complex to summarize here, but and can backfire; for example, attempts to officialize sacred
it yields detailed, place-based explorations of people and landscapes in Australia and Canada for conservation man-
their relationships with biodiversity, focusing on what agement have problematically fixed boundaries around
makes sense to local people rather than to scientific conser- previously fluid sacred areas (Byers et al., ; Schie &
vationists, keenly attuned to uncovering the often hidden Haider, ). Changing values also requires changes in
details and rationales behind human behaviour through the broader structures and societies in which those values
qualitative methods such as ethnography. are embedded (Manfredo et al., ). Alternatively, pro-
Thirdly, combining the previous two points, with few ex- moting or manipulating conservation-friendly spiritual be-
ceptions (e.g. Dickman et al., ; Aisher & Damodaran, liefs can undermine science-based conservation activities
; Pooley et al., ) the conservation literature has (Dickman et al., ).
given inadequate treatment to the complex social and cul- Promoting or suppressing individual aspects of beliefs
tural context, or the ontological system, in which magical or culture can have unforeseen long-term consequences
animals are situated. Conservation may have an overly sim- for human well-being and culture as well as biodiversity
plistic view of how to manage magical beliefs, promoting (Dickman et al., ). There is an ethical conundrum in
those seen as beneficial to conservation and repressing conservationists’ utilitarian approach of promoting those
those that are not (Colding & Folke, ; Kibet, ). aspects of culture and belief that benefit conservation
This utilitarian view isolates beliefs in magical animals goals whilst suppressing those that don’t. Conservationists
from other forms of belief and knowledge, rather than see- are fearful of accusations of cultural imperialism when criti-
ing them as part of a broader, complex, dynamic worldview. cizing the spiritual and cultural practices that are harmful to
For example, the literature on sacred sites and resource ta- biodiversity, particularly in the global South (Dickman et al.,
boos tends to rationalize their protection by local societies ). A broader debate on how conservation treats cultural
either as providers of local ecosystem services (it is rational practices is required. The following sections highlight the is-
to consider spaces as sacred, therefore requiring conserva- sues around magical animals in two countries of high con-
tion, because they provide direct ecosystem service benefits), servation value: Madagascar and Tanzania.
or because worship or persecution of magical creatures plays
an important role in maintaining the associated social sys-
tem, the logic being it is rational to promote social integrity Madagascar
around cultural rituals and norms (Anthwal et al., ;
Rutte, ). This contrasts with the vast humanities litera- Beliefs surrounding magical and mythical animals in
ture exploring societies and their worldviews around magic, Madagascar are often interlinked with local fadys, a system
witchcraft and spiritualities in depth. This complex litera- of informal institutions making certain behaviours taboo,
ture identifies how beliefs in magic are part of broader which is a strong part of Malagasy culture. Breaking fadys
rationalities, and explores their role in social, cultural and pol- risks supernatural retribution, affecting individuals or lead-
itical life. For example, magical animals may be considered ing to wider consequences (Scales, ). Fadys can be high-
alongside scientific explanations in people’s understandings ly localized and may differ between neighbouring villages.
Oryx, 2018, 52(2), 231–239 © 2017 Fauna & Flora International doi:10.1017/S003060531700059X
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Many lemur species are believed to be the spirits of are more strictly adhered to than wildlife protection laws,
Malagasy ancestors, and therefore it is fady to kill these spe- they are too heterogeneous between and within communi-
cies (Jones et al., ). Other species, such as the aye-aye, ties to provide any real protection (Golden & Comaroff,
are associated with negative beliefs. The aye-aye is consid- b). The radiated tortoise fady illustrates the dangers of
ered to be a harbinger of evil, its appearance predicting misinterpreting behaviours related to beliefs; local people
death or sickness in the village. The Malagasy expression would not harm tortoises, for fear of spiritual retribution,
‘Mangatabmo hita, miseho tsy tsara’ translates as ‘If (the but they would not stop outsiders from harming or remov-
aye-aye) is seen, there will be evil’ (Simons & Meyers, ing tortoises ‘since it did not involve anybody bound by a
). Another belief is that aye-ayes sneak into houses rule that forbade harming the animals’ (Kaufmann, ,
and use their long middle fingers to murder the sleeping oc- p. ). Rapid immigration, economic development, failed
cupants by puncturing their aortas (Goodman, ). To harvests or high levels of poverty and malnutrition may
prevent bad luck, the aye-aye must be killed and displayed weaken adherence to fadys (Jones et al., ; Jenkins
on roadside poles. On occasions entire villages have been et al., ; Kaufmann, ). Concern that fadys may be
abandoned after an aye-aye sighting (Simons & Meyers, eroding, or do not protect species as hoped, has led to
; Goodman, ). calls for increased enforcement of wildlife laws (e.g.
Reptiles are also linked to magical or spiritual beliefs. The Jenkins et al., ). However, this highlights a false assump-
zebu killing snake or fandrefiala (genus Ithycyphus) is be- tion that culture remains static throughout time, whereas
lieved to be able to straighten its body into a spear, dropping beliefs may be fluid and can erode, strengthen or evolve
out of trees and killing people and livestock. Its characteris- (Golden & Comaroff, b). Uptake of Western religions,
tic red tail is said to be caused by bloodstains (Tingle, ). such as Christianity, does not appear to have affected belief
The kalanoro are ‘beneficent spirits that often inhabit and adherence to fadys, despite potential conflicts (Golden
rivers or caves; they tend to be envisioned as women with & Comaroff, a).
very long hair and fingernails who eat crabs, have reversed Fadys and other beliefs can also have negative conserva-
feet (heels in front, toes in the back), and are very short like tion impacts. Fady-related killing of aye-ayes is considered a
dwarves’ (Golden & Comaroff, a, p. ). Belief in their key threat to their survival (Andriaholinirina et al., ).
existence is widespread throughout Madagascar, although Negative fadys linked to snakes and chameleons have not
explanations of their role vary, from kidnapping children, been studied in depth, but could also represent a threat to
luring people into getting lost in the forest, advising on me- certain species. In these cases, beliefs are considered to be
dicinal plants and herbs, or dictating fadys to individuals an obstacle to conservation efforts, and education a solution
through visions or dreams (Hobbs, ; Mattheeuws, to remove these irrational perceptions; for example, Glaw
; Golden & Comaroff, b). It is believed the kalanoro et al. () in reference to the aye-aye: ‘More efforts to sen-
disappear from the forest if it is destroyed or degraded sitize the natives for the protection. . .would be desirable to
(Golden & Comaroff, a). reduce the threatening of this exceptional primate species’.
Fadys can protect particular species (Lingard et al., ; This response contradicts calls to integrate traditional prac-
Randrianandrianina et al., ), and are often promoted as tices and beliefs into conservation, and the ethics of this se-
exemplifying how conservation can align with tradition, fol- lectivity regarding cultural beliefs has been questioned
lowing calls for integration of traditional knowledge, prac- (Dickman et al., ). Keller () stated: ‘If only things
tices and beliefs within conservation (e.g. Infield & such as fady and ‘sacred forests’ are promoted as valuable
Mugisha, ). The historically low prevalence of bushmeat ‘culture’ in the conservation literature, this may give rise
hunting in Madagascar, compared to other tropical coun- to the suspicion that what we are really dealing with is an
tries, has been linked to fadys, as fady species are eaten unsettling attempt to use ‘culture’ simply in order to better
less frequently (Jones et al., ; Jenkins et al., ). sell to the Malagasy what they might, in fact, not want.’
Fadys have been promoted to prevent extinction of the
Critically Endangered radiated tortoise Geochelone radiata
(Nussbaum & Raxworthy, ). In one conservation pro- Tanzania
ject, villages with strong fadys protecting tortoises were re-
warded with school buildings, in the hope this would Snakes have symbolic importance across diverse cultures. In
encourage neighbouring villages to strengthen their cultural some, snakes are worshipped and revered, whereas others,
beliefs (Lingard et al., ; Hudson, ). particularly those influenced by monotheistic religions
However, an assumption that beliefs are and will always such as Christianity, regard snakes as materializations of
be conservation-friendly risks oversimplification. ‘Malagasy Satan (Sunseri, ). Across Africa, snakes are commonly
taboos are directed at something very different from conser- considered to be magical creatures (Bjerke, ; Sunseri,
vation: namely, at pursuing a structured relationship with ). Although literature on sacred sites has supposed con-
their ancestors’ (Kaufmann, , p. ). Although fadys nections between the sanctity of species and habitats and
Oryx, 2018, 52(2), 231–239 © 2017 Fauna & Flora International doi:10.1017/S003060531700059X
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their ecosystem service benefits for local people (Salick et al., appear as snakes. Intruders from other villages have found
; Kibet, ), the snake as a magical creature challenges snakes in their pockets during negotiations about forest
this. Snakes are not easily recognizable to humans as eco- ownership, and local trespassers have found snakes on
logically beneficial, are often regarded as dangerous and, their buckets. Pythons are believed to embody the spirits
as magical creatures, may be regarded as good or evil. In of dead chiefs, which are contacted by living chiefs and el-
East Africa, encounters between snakes and people are com- ders concerned about intruders or other wrongdoings.
mon (Nonga & Haruna, ), and can be dangerous for According to local chiefs, ‘the python is the owner of the
both sides. Snakebites are an important cause of morbidity site. . . the one protecting it. . . people fear that if they clear
and mortality among rural dwellers (Maregesi et al., ), the site, the python will migrate to another area. . . [and] the
and encounters may cause psychological harm. Yet coexist- area will face difficulties with rainfall.’ It is in the interests of
ence between snakes and people can bring mutual benefits; local people to maintain the habitat of the python to keep
for example, snakes kill unwanted insects and rodents, and the spirits of their ancestors accessible to the living chief.
people may take measures to preserve snake habitats. The python-chief also serves as a conduit to other gods, to
In Tanzania snakes are worshipped and protected as an- pray for rainfall or other matters affecting the village.
cestral spirits, and persecuted and killed as embodiments of However, this constellation of beliefs is under pressure.
evil and ancillaries to witchcraft killings. The diversity of the Politically, chieftainship was abolished by the post-
magical properties attributed to snakes is partly a result of independence government in , and replaced by elected
Tanzania’s ethnic diversity, with tribes. Tribes typically village officials. Chiefs retain a spiritual role, yet this too is
have their own languages, sets of worldviews and cultural undermined by Christianization and incomers from other
traditions, and inhabit diverse geophysical, climatic and tribes who do not share Nyiha worldviews, a situation com-
ecological areas (Kideghesho, ); within tribes there is mon in western Tanzania (Smith, ).
further diversity between clans and villages. Despite this di- Studies of snakes as magical creatures often follow a utili-
versity there is some commonality. Many tribes have sacred tarian approach, recommending local people should be edu-
natural sites, typically forests, such that across diverse rural cated to learn the importance of snakes for habitats (if
areas sacred and ritual sites are significant as habitats for worldviews regard snakes as evil), or conversely that taboos
species, including endemic or threatened species (Mgumia protecting snakes need to be reinforced and enforced by
& Oba, ; Smith, ). It is also typical for ethnic/tribal some external body, typically the state (Colding & Folke,
groups to regard species of animals and plants as spiritually ; Kideghesho, ). These conceptualizations of
significant, although there is considerable diversity in these snake-protection understand these worldviews as emic
beliefs (Kideghesho, ). supernatural beliefs that reinforce taboos, or automatic
There is limited research on the magical properties of sanctions (Colding & Folke, ). For others they are ‘invis-
snakes in Tanzania and the consequences for conservation. ible systems of local resource management’ (Kideghesho,
In Monduli District, in the north of the country, with a sig- ), offering a way in for conservationists to appropriate
nificant Maasai population, there are reports of frequent local worldviews (Kideghesho, ). More in-depth an-
snake killing because it is believed that snakes are evil and thropological and sociological studies recognize that the
cause misfortune, and they are associated with witchcraft meaning and purpose of magical creatures have changed
(Nonga & Haruna, ). Conversely, for the Zaramo of and are changing. For the Zinza, Bjerke () reported in
coastal Tanzania, snakes can be the personification of the the s that the beneficial beliefs associated with some
god Koleo, who, in one oral tradition, appears to women spirits were rapidly disappearing, such that they were viewed
as a snake and asks for them to marry him (Sunseri, as demonic beings. A number of studies (e.g. Bjerke, ;
). For other ethnic groups in north-western Tanzania, Sunseri, ) claim Christianization has contributed to
species of snakes, including pythons, puff adders, the the perception of once benign or beneficial spiritual crea-
black mamba and cobras, are associated with specific tures as evil, or that Abrahamic traditions have replaced
clans as their animal symbol, which affords protection mystical ties between snakes and sexuality, and fertility
(Kideghesho, , ). For the Zinza, snakes are both and rainfall, with satanic associations.
ancestor spirits and evil spirits, to be protected or killed ac- To suggest that snakes as mystical creatures are of value
cordingly (Bjerke, ). to the species conservation ethos is simplistic at best, and
In TAS conducted research across six villages in contradictory at worst. Studies of traditional knowledge, sa-
Mbozi District, western Tanzania that were traditionally cred natural sites and conservation (Ormsby & Bhagwat,
those of the Nyiha people, although most are now ethnically ; Blicharska & Mikusiński, ) typically ignore the
plural. Each village has its own sacred natural sites, mostly complexities within cultural groups and across diverse
forests, containing the burial grounds of previous chiefs. groups within states. In the case of the Nyiha in Mbozi, sug-
The living chief (abamwene) and his assistants have powers gestions by some that traditional institutions, in this case
to contact ancestral spirits inhabiting forests, who often local chiefs, should be empowered to enforce local
Oryx, 2018, 52(2), 231–239 © 2017 Fauna & Flora International doi:10.1017/S003060531700059X
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. https://doi.org/10.1017/S003060531700059XAnimals, magic and conservation 237
regulations (Kideghesho, ) are politically sensitive create successful coexistence between humans and
given that the state has deliberately shifted power away non-humans.
from hereditary chiefs to democratically elected village gov-
ernments. To give chiefs official spiritual authority would
undoubtedly anger those who do not adhere to traditional Acknowledgements
worldviews, and giving them powers over forest protection
would undermine local village governments. Snakes are am- We thank Guðni Th. Jóhannesson and Alaric Hall for their
biguous and complex magical creatures, both good and evil insights into Huldufólk and Icelandic culture and politics,
in various geographical, ethnic and spiritual contexts, and to and William Andindilile for his assistance with fieldwork
entangle them with existing conservation management in Tanzania. CW’s contribution was supported by the
would be equally complex. Natural Environment Research Council.
Conclusions Author contributions
We have illustrated that magical animals can have positive The research was conceived by GH. GH and TAS led the
and negative consequences for conservation, and that the re- writing of the main sections of the article. TAS wrote the
lationship between magical animals, human beliefs and be- Tanzania section, CW the Madagascar section. All authors
haviour, and extant biodiversity is complex. We have also contributed to refining and editing the text.
shown that current views of magical animals within conser-
vation are inadequate. Beliefs in magical animals are often
ignored, and when acknowledged they are often treated as References
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