"Having the freedom to having freedom" Youth Participatory Assessment of Accessibility in Port Elizabeth, South Africa - ICLD
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Master of Science in Development Studies
Major in Social Anthropology
SIMV07 – Autumn 2019
“Having the freedom to having freedom”
Youth Participatory Assessment of Accessibility in
Port Elizabeth, South Africa
María Camila Gómez Fonseca
Supervisor: Ulf Johansson Dahre
0
Abstract 4
Acknowledgements 5
1. Introduction 6
1.1. Research Questions 6
1.2. Thesis Outline 8
2. Contextualization 9
2.1. South African Cities and Apartheid: the Case of Port Elizabeth 9
2.2. Nelson Mandela Bay Transport System 13
Bus 14
Minibuses-taxis 15
Train 16
2.3. Global Actions: SDG 11 and New Urban Agenda 17
3. Conceptual Framework 21
3.1. Definitions of ‘Accessibility’ 21
3.2. Perceived Accessibility 23
4. Theoretical Framework 25
4.1. Capabilities Approach: a Framework for Access 25
Sen's Perspective 25
Nussbaum's Perspective 27
4.2. Right to the City 31
4.3. Analytical Framework 33
5. Methodological Framework 35
5.1. Worldview, Ontology, and Epistemology 35
5.2. Research Design 36
5.3. Methods of data collection 37
Sampling 37
Methods 38
1
5.4. Data Analysis 40
5.5. Ethical concerns 41
Inter-cultural research and power relationships 42
Language 43
5.6. Research Limitations 43
6. Results 44
6.1. It’s just that you have to know about the city: Life in the neighborhood 44
6.2. Is like they forget that there are people: Transportation in PE 47
6.3. Young people like to be safe: City safety 51
6.4. Who is who? Identity and membership in the Township 54
6.5. Nothing is perfect, but you can get close to perfect: Meaningful life for youth 55
6.6. Getting exposed to things: Definitions of accessibility 59
7. Discussion 63
7.1. Accessibility as Freedom 63
7.2. Enhancing Capabilities and Avoiding Obstacles 65
7.3. The right to Port Elizabeth 68
7.4. Access as a Mean for Social Justice 71
8. Summary and Conclusion 74
9. References 77
10. Appendices 82
10.1. Appendix A: Semi-structured Questionnaire 82
10.2. Appendix C: Informed Consent 83
2
List of Figures
Figure 1: Social tapestry Nelson Mandel Bay, Census 2011
Figure 2: Algoa Bus in Motherwell
Figure 3: IPTS
Figure 4: “Sweepers” in Motherwell
Figure 5: 'Bakkie’ in Red Location
Figure 6: Train System in Port Elizabeth
Figure 7: Categories of Capabilities According to Nussbaum
Figure 8: Analytical Framework
Figure 9: Map of Selected Neighborhoods in Port Elizabeth
List of Tables
Table 1: Central Human Capabilities
Table 2: Factors Hindering Accessibility
Table 3: Factors Enabling Accessibility
List of Abbreviations
CBD: Central Business District
IDP: Integrated Development Plan
IPTS: Integrated Public Transport System
NAC: National African Congress
NMDA: Nelson Mandela Development Agency
NMBM: Nelson Mandela Bay Municipality
RDP: Reconstruction Development Programme
NTIP: National Technologies Implementation Platform
NMU: Nelson Mandela University
3
Abstract
This study explores the subjective definitions of access to the city in a group of young
people in Port Elizabeth, South Africa. Through semi-structured interviews,
workshops, and participative observation those definitions emerged. Departing from
the concept of perceived accessibility, it came apparent that those definitions gravitate
around three essential elements: availability of safe and affordable public
transportation, safe neighborhoods and free circulation within them, and opportunities
(places and activities) for free entertainment. Accessibility is discussed as a central
capability from the Capabilities Approach and connected to the notions of Right to the
City and Social Justice. Finally, suggestions for institutional actions are offered.
Key words: Youth, Access to the city, Accessibility, Capabilities, Right to the City,
Social Justice, Port Elizabeth, South Africa.
Word Count: 19.824
4
Acknowledgements
This thesis would not have been possible without the support and contribution of many people.
First of all, I deeply thank all the participants who offered their time and good ideas to make
this project the best possible. Also, to all those who opened their doors to me and made Port
Elizabeth an unforgettable experience: Preston, Sally, Debbie, Percy, Naomi and Inge.
I also thank the Swedish International Center for Local Democracy, especially Ana
Maria Vargas and Malaika Mikaelsson. Likewise, Debbie Hendricks and Lerato Muzah in the
Nelson Mandela Development Agency.
To my friends from the Development Studies Program, especially Tamara and Sofia for
their helping hand. And to my Colombian-Peruvian family in Lund, without whom this
experience would have been less fun. Special thanks to Joshua for his sharp reading.
To my family for being a constant support in all my decisions, especially to my sister
Angela for her trained researcher eye and to my father who will always be with me. Thank you
for fighting so hard and always give us love and inspiration.
Finally, to my new family: Alejandro, Vera and Saul. Thank you for being patient and
for showing me your love in so many ways, without your support this would have been
impossible. Thank you for staying in my corner, our new beginning makes me immensely
happy.
5
1. Introduction
Without any doubt, the Sustainable Development Goals formulated by the United
Nations guide most of the efforts in development policies nowadays. Specifically,
SDG11 focuses on creating inclusive, safe, sustainable, and resilient cities to reduce
poverty by tackling inequality and detrimental consumption/production patterns. The
reason behind this focus on urban dynamics is evident. According to the United
Nations' calculations, 55% of the world's population lives in cities, and by the year
2050, it is expected to reach 68% trillion. (United Nations, 2018) This demographic
landscape places high pressure on local, national, and regional governments to create
urban development plans that propose efficient solutions to issues such as climate
change, security, pollution, services, life quality and productivity.
One of the strategies to achieve this is to promote accessibility to cities. Although
literature on accessibility and accessible cities is broad, both from the academic and
public policies perspective, there are still gaps and areas to be expanded. For example,
much of the current research considers accessibility as a matter of the use of physical
spaces and resources by disabled population. Another dominant perspective is that of
access as transportation, which means that research focuses on the optimization of time
and costs. Both views are given mainly from the design and architectural insight of
urban planning, and although necessary, their scope is limited and overlooks cultural,
historical, economic, and political aspects of the city experience of those who inhabit
it.
1.1. Research Questions
Recognizing that there is a research gap, this thesis seeks to contribute to the topic of
accessible cities from an anthropological perspective by defining the concept of
accessibility from city experiences of a specific population group. Therefore, the main
research question is:
6
How do young people from vulnerable areas in Port Elizabeth define
"accessibility” to the city?
The research has three aims. First, to think of the city-citizen relationship as dynamic,
one in which the city has access to the citizen and vice versa. Second, to analyze aspects
of accessibility and consequently to propose public actions (from collectives, youth
groups, government agencies) that cover multiple access-related dimensions. And
third, to suggest access to the city as a mean to build democratic and just cities, in
which each citizen has the right conditions (capabilities) to choose how to live a
valuable and fulfilling life. To address these goals and build on the central question,
the following secondary questions were formulated:
- What elements hinder/enable "accessibility" to the city for young people in
vulnerable areas in Port Elizabeth?
- How could Port Elizabeth become more accessible to young people from
vulnerable urban areas?
- How could improvement in accessibility to Port Elizabeth impact the city’s
democracy and social justice?
To answer these questions, I draw on the Capabilities Approach, particularly the
concepts of functionings and capabilities from the perspective of Amartya Sen and
Martha Nussbaum. On the one hand, this allows me to explore the definition of
accessibility from young people’s perspective, which could potentially encompass
different kinds of capabilities. On the other hand, this theoretical background enables
me to establish a connection between accessibility and well-being, which results useful
when thinking about “access to the city” as a right.
71.2. Thesis Outline
With these questions and goals in mind, the second section sets the project in Port
Elizabeth’s context. The conceptual framework presented in the third section includes
a literature review on the concept of accessibility, emphasizing on the notion of
perceived accessibility. The fourth section introduce the theoretical framework of the
Capabilities Approach, Social Justice and Right to the City. The fifth section presents
the methodological choices that guided the research process, including a short
reflection on ethical considerations. The sixth section presents the findings, followed
by a discussion on section seven. To conclude, section eight offers a summary and
conclusions.
82. Contextualization
In this section, I firstly examine how the apartheid system influenced access,
configuration, and use of urban spaces. Second, describe the current transport system
in Port Elizabeth. Lastly, I present a global overview, discussing how Port Elizabeth's
efforts to have accessible cities are embedded in a national and global context guided
by the Sustainable Development Agenda.
2.1. South African Cities and Apartheid: The Case of Port Elizabeth
According to Maylam (1995) and Christopher (1987), the history of segregation of
urban space in South African cities began long before Apartheid. Port Elizabeth was
founded in 1815 with the primary function of managing and processing the goods and
materials that passed through its bay. Later the economy of the city included pastoral
activities, mining, and manufacturing industry (Christopher, 1987). These economic
dynamics provoked the city to expand, which in turn caused an increasing mixed
population between Whites (European), people of mixed origins denominated
Coloured, Cape Malays (Javanese slaves of the Dutch East India Company), and
indigenous Black population.
Within this colonial context, the layout of the cities was used to highlight
differences and stress the link between race and economic position, not only between
colonized and colonizer but within groups. According to Christopher (1987) the result
was a segmented society structured on perceived differences, where each community
had its interests and was increasingly separated from its neighbors. An excellent
example of this is the predominant Coloured population settlement in the industrial
areas of North End and South End, while the western and central areas were
predominantly White.
Nevertheless, the administration's approach to the Black population was
different. Since 1825 Port Elizabeth had a Black settlement on the western edge,
9established by the London Missionary Society with the purpose of 'civilize' them.
However, it was only until 1850 when the local administration issued the legislation to
create a local suburb or 'location' called the Native Strangers' Location (currently
Walmer) to accommodate Black workers who did not live with their employers or
owned property. (Christopher, 1987; Maylam, 1995)
Maylam (1995) argues that one of the explanations for urban segregation was the
‘Sanitation Syndrome.' This phenomenon was a "moral panic and racial hysteria, as
whites increasingly came to associate the black urban presence with squalor, disease,
and crime." (Swanson in Maylam, 1995, p. 24) For example, between 1901 and 1904,
there was a spread of bubonic plague all around South Africa, which was unfortunately
associated with Black urban settlements, mainly because of the 'Black death'
denomination. Fearing contamination, local administration in Port Elizabeth
demolished inner-city locations and built a new location six kilometers north city
center, called New Brighton. This kind of urban removals happened also with the
Influenza and Tuberculosis outbreak.
Another perspective about segregation, focuses on removals due to material
interests regarding resentments for commercial success, control over labor force, and
release of land for industrial purposes. In 1923 the Natives Act (Urban Areas Act) was
announced by the national government stating that all municipalities had to establish
locations for their Black population. In 1936 the Natives Land and Trust Act
established that Black inhabitants could no longer purchase land outside designated
areas, and had to be removed from the electoral roll, preventing Black people from
political actions.
Furthermore, almost all new private housing projects were exclusive for Whites
and included clauses in the deeds preventing not only Blacks but Coloured people to
purchase. Additionally, in order to qualify for national housing grants, Port Elizabeth's
Government zoned the city into different racial units, separated by open land, railways,
or rivers with no road to connect them.
10In 1948, with the National Party ruling, the already existing segregationist
legislation was put into place. Their program contemplated two stages. First, to evict
Black people from the cities and resettle them in all-black towns in the outskirts. To
achieve this, the controls over black property, movement, and residence got more
severe. New and more prominent locations were built, and the process of removal
continued until 1985, when only 4% of the black population lived outside designated
locations. (Christopher, 1987)
The second stage was to divide the remaining population into separate racial
groups accommodation areas (White, Coloured, Chinese, Indian). The aim was a city
where no residential or commercial areas were mixed, creating a sort of separate towns
for each group within the city, as Christopher (2000, p. 6) argues: "State partition
became the official aim by the 1970s, with South Africa fragmented into a series of
African nation-states and a large White-controlled rump entity".
This measure was more challenging to achieve due to a long history of mixing,
but two significant actions took place: The Population Registration Act (1950) and the
Group Areas Act (1950). The first one required every inhabitant to classify into a
distinct racial group. The second intended to provide exclusive, separated zones in
urban areas for residential and commercial use. (Christopher, 2000)
The white population had a central position in the city since no removal or resettle
was needed. Moreover, they stayed close to the Central Business District (CBD),
creating an urban structure where the center was White, and the periphery was
Coloured or Black.
Life in the Black areas was also full of controls and regulations. For example, the
creation of "Native Administration Departments" through the Promotion of Bantu Self-
government Act (1959) worked as central agencies to manage townships included
surveillance systems, internal laws about residence certificates, reports of visitors to
the Township superintendent, restriction of leisure activities beyond those planned by
the administration, liquor selling and drinking restrictions. (Maylam, 1995)
11Furthermore, since the movement of Black laborers was limited, transport
services were also a tool to control access. Commuter flows carried people over long
distances in the morning and took them back home in the evening. Still, public
transportation, pedestrian mobility, and non-motorized transport were not enforced
since the government rather spend on road infrastructure for private vehicles,
promoting the start of the mini-bus taxi industry. (South African Cities Network, 2016)
The apartheid system was "a legally enforced policy to promote the political, social,
and cultural separation of racially defined communities for the exclusive benefit of one
of these communities" (Christopher, 2000, p. 1). It was based on racial exclusion,
control over Black, Coloured and Indian population, and dispossession and
marginalization of the non-white residents. It determined political and legal rights
according to a race classification, transformed urban spatial patterns, health services,
education, job opportunities, political participation, and every dimension of South
Africans.
The transition to a segregated city was gradual, taking from 1948 to 1994,
through a systematic process of removal and resettlement of non-white groups. In 1994
the National African Congress issued the Reconstruction Development Programme
(RDP) and the White Paper on Housing, looking for a policy framework to overcome
inequality, marginalization, displacement, and poor access to socio-economic
opportunities. In 1996 the White Paper on Transport fostered a shift in urban
dispositions by encouraging public instead of private transport, and densifying cities to
increase the impact of such transportation. (South African Cities Network, 2016)
In recent decades the scale and disposition of South African cities have changed
dramatically regarding public sector investments, low-income housing, essential
service provision, access to services of health and education, and public transport
infrastructure. Private investors developed shopping malls and gated communities, but
as stated in the State of South African Cities Report (2016), the change has been slow
and not inclusive enough. For example, state-funded housing still marginalizes the
12urban poor since most of the integration has taken place in middle-to higher-income
areas, while the low-income black communities stayed at the outskirts of the city (see
Figure 1). This configuration and the housing subsidy program locked people in
specific locations with low access to opportunities, keeping a large proportion of the
population feeling as they were not part of the city. (South African Cities Network,
2016)
Figure 1: Social tapestry Nelson Mandel Bay, Census 2011
Source: (Government of South Africa, 2016)
2.2. Nelson Mandela Bay Transport System
As we will see in further sections, the transportation system is a crucial topic when
discussing accessibility. On this regard, Read et.al (2014) argue that Port Elizabeth is
13a city of mobile, diverse people that needs to come together as a community, using
public spaces such as transport, as tools to encounter.
The General Household Survey (2017) indicates that in the Eastern Cape, 15.9%
of the population uses minibus taxis, 8.6% cars, 6.1% sedan taxis, and 3.3% buses. This
section aims to present a review of the current state of transportation in Port Elizabeth,
offering a description of the primary means.
Bus
Algoa Bus Company (See figure 2) has approximately 19 routes and 265 buses (Nelson
Mandela Bay Municipality, 2011). It is the only subsidized bus operator with two main
terminals (Norwich and Bay Station) and 21 satellite stations. The average bus trip is
22 km, and like the minibus taxis, the AM period is busier than the PM. Nevertheless,
bus routes follow the laborer's flows meaning most of the morning routes go from
Northern areas to CBD and southwest, and afternoon routes take them back from CBD
to neighborhoods in the north area. There are no night bus routes. Furthermore,
information about fares, stops, timetables, and routes is only available through direct
request at one of the terminals. Another bus system is known as Libhongolethu,
meaning our pride (See figure 3). This Integrated Public Transport System was
intended for the World Cup of 2010 but several difficulties and planning failure (i.e.
roads were not properly planned, buses did not fit the lanes) caused delays in its
operation. Nowadays it operates only from Claery Park to CBD and return.
14Figure 2: Algoa Bus in Motherwell Figure 3: IPTS
Source: Author
Minibuses-taxis
Is the most popular transportation mean. According to the Integrated Transport Plan
(2011), this type of transportation is classified into three categories, depending on the
area, nature, and kind of operation provided. The first category is the minibus taxis
operating between residential areas and business, in low to middle-income residential
areas. Due to passenger’s reluctance to transfer, the operation changed from "rank-to-
rank" to direct services, which resulted in the proliferation of informal ranks during
peak hours. During off-peak hours these taxis operate principally from CBD, Korsten
and North End ranks. Nevertheless, in recent years, there has been an increase in
informal services called "Sweepers" (See figure 4) operating independently in Northern
areas. (Nelson Mandela Bay Municipality, 2011)
Figure 4: “Sweepers” in Motherwell Figure 5: 'Bakkie’ in Red Location
Source: Author
15The second category is Minibus and sedan taxis providing feeder or distribution service
in residential areas of New Brighton, Zwide, and Motherwell area. These private sedans
or sixteen sits vehicles, known as 'Jikeleza's,' or 'Bakkies,' (See figure 5) go around the
streets of the neighborhoods mentioned above looking for passengers. In general, they
are in bad condition and do not have a Certificate of Roadworthiness.
The third category is sedan taxis providing connecting services between
Motherwell and Zwide/KwaZakhele. Many of them also operate long distances,
connecting to Grahamstown and Peddle (Nelson Mandela Bay Municipality, 2011).
Across town, there are around forty-nine taxi ranks, the neuralgic point is situated in
the city center (CBD) close to an Integrated Transport System stop. This rank gathers
more than 258 routes. Passengers have a waiting time between 15 and 30 minutes in
peak hours, and more than 30 minutes in off-peak periods since taxis must wait until
fil up. Fares vary depending on the route, the further the more expensive. By the time
fieldwork took place, it was between 11 and 15 Rands (0.7-1 Euros). Since the CBD
rank is the diffusion point, most of the commuters coming from neighborhoods in the
northern part of the city must take two taxis. One until CBD and then another to their
destination (i.e., Walmer, Green Acres, Airport, Cleary Park) increasing the cost. By
2010 there were approximately 2485 minibus taxis registered, with 56% operating with
a license. Most of them have between twelve and sixteen years of use. (Nelson Mandela
Bay Municipality, 2011)
Train
It is a 31 km rail line built for freight transport (See figure 6). Nowadays, connects Port
Elizabeth with Ibhayi, Despatch, and Uitenhage, also part of the Nelson Mandela Bay
Municipality. It is used predominantly by people living at a walking distance from one
of the eleven stations along the line. The frequency is one train every hour from 5:30
16to 18:30 (except between 12:30 and 13:30) for a total of twelve round trips a day, and
no service on Saturdays, Sundays or public holidays. (Adewumi & Allopi, 2014)
Figure 6: Train System in Port Elizabeth
Source: Author
2.3. Global Actions: SDG 11 and New Urban Agenda
To understand why accessibility is an issue for modern cities all around the world it is
necessary to consider global trends and international policy frameworks that are
defining not only priorities for urban development but the concept of the city itself.
Two elements stand out in this matter, the adoption of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable
Development, and establishment of the New Urban Agenda in 2016.
The 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development consists of a plan for collective
action to eradicate poverty, strengthen peace and encourage prosperity, understanding
all the above as a requisite and means to reach the final goal of "sustainable
development." One of the central elements in this agreement is the participation, not
only of governments of member states of the UN but of different stakeholders and
17organizations that contribute to local debates regarding implementation. (United
Nations, n.d.)
This action framework is constituted by 17 goals and implemented and measured
through 149 indicators. The idea of the goals is to balance the three dimensions of
sustainable development: environmental protection, social development, and economic
growth.
Although the goals are quite general, one of them stands out for specifically
addressing cities. The aim of the SDG 11 is to "Make cities and human settlements
inclusive, safe, resilient and sustainable." (United Nations, 2018A) There are
numerous reasons to focus on urban settlements. First, it is a question of quantity:
according to the calculations of the UN, half of the world's population now lives in
cities and will reach 3.5 billion in the year 2030. Second is a question of resources:
cities represent between 60% and 80% of global energy consumption and 75% of
carbon emissions. Third, it is a question of quality of life: in 2016, 883 million people
lived in slums, mostly in the global south. (United Nations, 2015)
The indicators for this goal reflect the concern to create more inclusive cities, in
which inhabitants have quality services. While these measures cover a wide range of
interests, from housing to culture through natural disasters and sexual harassment, there
is an obvious concern about the accessibility to resources and opportunities. For
example, access to safe and affordable housing, to basic services, to safe, affordable
and sustainable means of transport, to participation mechanisms that involve citizens
in planning and management of the city, and access to open and safe green areas.
(United Nations, 2018B)
Following the SDG11 approach, the New Urban Agenda emerged in 2016 aiming
to ratify the commitment made by the participating countries, recognizing that local
governments have the primary responsibility, but the United Nations is the supporting
force behind the consolidation of cities as drivers and sources of sustainable
18development. Furthermore, the new agreement was useful to evaluate progress and
identify new challenges to address poverty.
One of the crucial aspects of the New Urban Agenda is a shift in the approach to
cities. Previous conferences looked at urban spaces as problematic and challenging in
the fight against poverty, mainly because sustainable development was a rural matter.
Currently, and thanks to local and global debates, the transformative potential of
urbanization is vital for sustainable development through "effective, transparent and
participatory urban planning, economic development, legislative processes and
management," (United Nations, 2012, p. 2) especially in the "developing countries."
The report prepared by South Africa for Habitat III starts by recognizing the
particularities that the post-Apartheid system meant for developmental needs. It
highlights the changes in the economy, population movements, and financial flows that
implied a more significant pressure on eight cities. The report considers five general
topics to address with the New Urban Agenda. First, the importance of rural-urban
linkages to offer development initiatives that integrate both. Second, recognizing the
demographic composition of the country and differential needs, for example, youth
issues (such as education, lifestyle choices, skills development, technology access, and
empowerment), seniors (lack of data on housing needs), people with disabilities, or
women (equity in education, job access, safety, political participation). Third, the
necessity to improve policy frameworks, financial sources, urban land management,
urban sprawl prevention, disaster risk reduction, and government roles. Fourth, the
need to improve services such as access to health (prevention of HIV / AIDS, quality
of the environment), urban mobility (integrated transport system, railways, and non-
motorized options), living conditions in informal settlements, adequate housing,
drinking water, sanitation, and clean energy among others. And fifth, the issue of safety
and security, particularly of women, through a stronger criminal justice system,
reforms to police system, and addressing underlying causes. (Government of South
Africa, n.d.) (United Nations, 2016A)
19What this ambitious global trend shows us is that cities have become the center
of attention when it comes to development initiatives, since they concentrate not only
most of the population but also the most urgent challenges and problems for
development as well as the possibilities of a solution.
The general perspective of these global trends raises three fundamental
characteristics that define a modern city: sustainability, equity, and resilience, which
indicates a trend focused on the human being and their living conditions, beyond
economic performance. However, it is worth asking about the unifying character of
these characteristics and the definition of the city they imply. Perhaps, in the urge to
measure and improve indicators, we fall into the trap of overlooking particularities, and
conditions of each country. As argued by Caprotti et al. (Caprotti, et al., 2017), there is
the risk of de-contextualizing and devaluing particular urban realities by rendering the
problems.
203. Conceptual Framework
3.1. Definitions of ‘Accessibility’
Defining the term accessibility is not an easy task since it is used in a great variety of
contexts and disciplines, as well as in daily activities. Its most literal definition raises
it as an entity's quality to being reached or entered, implying ease of use, understanding
or appreciation. (Oxford Dictionary, 2019)
This difficulty is discussed by numerous authors, who agree that it is a challenge
both to define the concept and to find measures that account for it. (Geurs & van Wee,
2004); (Gutiérrez, 2009) Nevertheless, it is possible to find shared elements between
concepts. For example, two types of indicators: opportunities to travel (process
indicators) and actual travels and levels of satisfaction with the service (outcome
indicators). Another point in common is the relevance researchers give to factors
beyond the means of transport, such as land-use, commuting time, and subjective
factors such as preferences. (Lättman, 2016)
One of the first definitions of accessibility, presented by Steward (1948), posed
the term as a measure of the intensity of the possibility of interaction. Nevertheless,
most authors recognize Hansen’s definition (1959) as the first one. Through a study on
residential land-use models related to access to industrial, commercial, and residential
locations in Washington D.C. Hansen developed the "gravity models." These schemes
define accessibility as "the potential of opportunities for interaction." (Hansen, 1959,
p. 73) Considering the spatial distribution of activities in a determined area, it reflects
on the ability and desire of the subject (people or companies) to overcome spatial
separation. Thus, accessibility is proportional to the size of the activity (for example
how many job opportunities are available in a area) and inversely proportional to the
distance between the subject and the location of the activity. The empirical study
showed that people establish hierarchies of activities and are willing to cover longer
21distances (and therefore longer commuting times) if the activity is a priority such as
work, school, and health services.
Other classic researchers combine land-use and transport focus. For example,
Dalvi and Marti (1976) argue that accessibility reflects the ease to reach any land-use
activity from a location by using a particular transport system. Burns & Golob (1976)
refer to the freedom to decide whether to participate in activities or not. Ben-Akiva and
Lerman (1979) propose accessibility as the benefits granted by a transportation or land-
use system. Niemeier (1997) develop the focus on opportunities by defining
accessibility as the ease to reach such preferred destinations that offer opportunities
(generally employment), taking into consideration impedances (unit of distance or
time) and available resources (transport and mobility systems).
Moreover, Geurs and van Wee (2004) focus on passenger transport and define it
as the extent to which land-use transport system allows individuals to reach activities
or destinations. They also identify four components of recent definitions that interact
and influence each other. First, land-use as the combination of amount, quality and
distribution of opportunities (for example jobs, health facilities, schools, shops),
demand for these opportunities, and the supply-demand of opportunities
(abundance/scarcity). Second, transportation referring to the disadvantages of using a
specific transport system (travel time, waiting time, parking), costs, and effort
(reliability, safeness, comfort). Third, temporal constraints meaning the availability of
opportunities at different moments of the day. Fourth, the individual component
referring to differential needs, abilities, and opportunities that influence individuals’
choices.
Furthermore, it is possible to identify trends referring to measures and
components. Van Wee et al. (2001) identify three trends in accessibility definitions and
measures. First, infrastructure related definitions focused on transport supply and
demand characteristics. Second, the activities approach, centered on land, location, and
activities available in a determined range of time and distance. The third approach
22combines the previous two generating complex studies. In general, accessibility
research from these points of view includes elements of travel costs, demand, job
clusters, availability of commercial activities. Likewise, Geurs and van Dee (2004) also
identify infrastructure-based measures (transport features), location-based measures
(number of opportunities within a determined time-travel interval), person-based-
measures (personal limitations for freedom of action), and utility-based measures
(economic benefits from having access to activities and opportunities in a specific
location).
More recent surveys expand the definitions and components of accessibility to
include social, cultural, and individual factors such as social exclusion/inclusion
(Brand, et al., 2004); (Preston & Rajé, 2007); (Cass, et al., 2005); (Church, et al., 2000),
(Grieco, 2015), social justice and sustainability (Farrington & Farrington, 2005);
(Lättman, 2016). Furthermore, researchers such as Grieco (2015) emphasize the
importance of differentiate mobility, focused on the potential of movement or the
means to achieve access, and accessibility, defined as the goal, the potential for
interaction and spatial organization of facilities and services.
3.2. Perceived Accessibility
In line with the latest research approach, this thesis is based on the concept of perceived
accessibility, which combines elements of inclusion and the subjective factors of users.
Lättman (2016) defines perceived accessibility as the degree of ease to live a satisfying
life, using a transport system. This includes the perceived possibilities of using the
transport system (costs, availability, safety) and the perceived opportunities to reach a
location and take part in certain preferred activities. Through a quantitative study in
Karlstad (Sweden), the author shows that quality (translated into reliability,
functionality, courtesy, and simplicity) of transport systems, feeling safe and frequency
of travel are good predictors of perceived accessibility. Furthermore, the study
establishes differences between age groups that enable future researchers to make a
23differential analysis to improve inclusion and equitable access to transportation and
activities.
Although numerous authors (Budd & Mumford, 2006); (Lofti & Koohsai, 2009);
(Titheridge, et al., 2010) have studied the gaps between objective accessibility —
quantified in traditional indicators such as travel-time, cost, and availability of travel
options—, and perceived accessibility, the intention of using perceived accessibility as
a measure is to complement traditional indicators and methods, seeking to contribute
to enhancing life quality and social inclusion by improving urban planning studies and
policies.
244. Theoretical Framework
4.1. Capabilities Approach: a Framework for Access
This section presents the theoretical framework guiding the analysis. First, I outline the
Capabilities Approach as argued by Amartya Sen (2001), highlighting the central
concepts and pillars of the perspective, namely: functions, capabilities, wellbeing, and
agency. The second section presents the standpoint of Martha Nussbaum (2003);
(2011) as a way of operationalizing the Capabilities Approach, focusing on her list of
capabilities, related to accessibility, and her focus on social justice.
Sen's Perspective
In 1999, Amartya Sen introduced the Capabilities Approach, one of the most influential
perspectives on development. More than a theory, this approach offers a normative,
methodological and analytical framework to think about issues of inequality, poverty,
and welfare —among others—, which distances from the neo-classical and utilitarian
theories that focus on subjective factors (such as individual desires and mental states)
as well as modernization theories of development. (Sen, 2001; Desai & Potter, 2004)
The core of this approach lies in individuals having the ability to achieve the kind
of life they have reasons to value. To accomplish this kind of life, it is necessary to
have certain freedoms, defined as adequate opportunities or possibilities to achieve
what is subjectively meaningful. Thus, social arrangements should be assessed
"according to the extent of freedom people have to promote or achieve the plural
functionings they value." (Desai & Potter, 2004) This focus implies that the goal is not
only to increase personal income or national gross domestic product but to enhance the
liberties of each person —mainly to have a range of options and the freedom to
choose—, and to remove the obstacles to achieve those freedoms, for example, poverty,
tyranny, systematic social deprivation, intolerance, and neglected public facilities (Sen,
2001). It is through the evaluation and effectiveness of these capabilities that the
wellbeing and life quality can be determined and compared. (Robeyns, 2006).
Nevertheless, Sen is emphatic in
25stating that 'human liberties' is a subjective category, which must be exposed to the
discussion because it depends on what people enjoy and have reasons to value. (Desai
& Potter, 2004)
Sen (2001) (Robeyns, 2006) argues that development's end and means is to
expand human freedoms. In this sense, freedoms have a constitutive role (with the
essential purpose in enriching human lives) and an instrumental role
(interconnectedness through empirical connections that contribute to the general
capability of living more freely). To develop his point of view, Sen (2001) presents
four basic concepts: functionings, capabilities, agency, and wellbeing. I will draw
mainly on functionings and capabilities for my analysis.
Functionings are the basic units to assess wellbeing. It describes various doings
(reading, eating, learning, participating) and beings (being well-nourished, being
literate, being educated, being part of the community) that a person can undertake and
are imperative to achieve her version of wellbeing. (Alkire, 2005) (Desai & Potter,
2004) (Robeyns, 2006) This implies that functionings are subjective and reliant on the
level of agency of the subject, and dependent on the context or normative framework.
(Robeyns, 2006) Its nature leads to a wide range of complexity since functionings vary
from basic needs to complex social requirements.
Capabilities "are the substantive freedoms he or she enjoys, to lead the kind of
life he or she has reason to value." (Sen, 2001, p. 87). According to Alkire (2005, p. 2)
"are the various combinations of functionings (beings and doings) that the person can
achieve." These freedoms refer to the real, effective opportunities to achieve
functionings, given the possibility to choose whether to achieve them or not and how
to do it. Capabilities are linked to freedom on its negative meaning —the restraining
forces that might prevent a person from achieving functionings—, and positive
meaning —the positive power or capacity to do something—. Each person sets a
ranking of individually valued capabilities, based on what they have reason to value.
26Agency is the individual ability to pursue and realize goals that are valuable for
the person. Being an agent implies to act and facilitate change, and to have the liberty
and chance to choose from different options. (Sen, 2001) The concept of agency is
essential in two senses. First, to assess what is valuable on the individual level, and in
consequence, to determine what kind of life each person wants to live. Second, to
expand the range of concerns beyond individual, basic-needs level posing freedoms as
collective and creative too. This interest suggests a concern for public debate,
democratic, participation, and empowerment to promote wellbeing. (Alkire, 2005)
Well-being refers to "an evaluation of the 'wellness' of the person's state of being"
(Sen, 1993, p. 37). It implies an assessment of the elements that a person values, that
is the functionings each person considers fundamental. Then, it is possible to say that
a person reached her wellbeing if she succeeded in pursuing and achieving the
objectives (material, mental, social, economic, political, cultural) that has reason to
promote. This concept is closely linked to the agency, and how it turns individuals into
active agents of change for their wellbeing, that is deciding which functionings are a
priority and how to achieve them. In line with these concepts, Sen establishes five
instrumental freedoms: political freedoms, economic facilities, social opportunities,
transparency guarantees, and protective security. (Sen, 2001)
Nussbaum's Perspective
Nevertheless, one of the most frequent critiques to Sen is of being too general and
flexible in his list of freedoms. Nussbaum (2003) argues that Sen refuses to make
commitments about which capabilities society should pursue, and that negatively
affects the idea of social justice and equality.
In contrast to Sen, Nussbaum proposes the Capabilities Approach as a 'Normative
political theory,' emphasizing the qualitative plurality, variety, and irreducibility of
essential elements for life quality, i.e., health, physical integrity, and education.
(Nussbaum, 2011)
27The author defines the Capabilities Approach as "an approach to comparative
quality-of-life assessment and to theorizing about basic social justice" (2011, p. 18). It
has several characteristic elements. The first one is its fundamental question: What is a
person able to do or be? This focus shows interest in each person as an end, asking
about available opportunities. The second one is the freedom to choose from a range
of possibilities that ‘good societies’ should give to their citizens. This element is related
to the concept of agency and self-definition since people should be free to exercise or
not those freedoms. It is also characterized by being pluralistic in its value since it
recognizes that the capabilities differ from person to person in quality and quantity and
therefore cannot be reduced to a global number or indicator. Finally, Nussbaum
highlights the concern for justice and inequality in the form of failure or omission of
capabilities, which is why it is vital to establish two fundamental elements: a specific
list of capabilities and a threshold for these.
Nussbaum identifies three categories of capabilities (see figure 7). The first one
is 'Basic Capabilities' corresponding to those elements essential to human nature, those
"innate faculties of the person that make later development and training possible."
(Nussbaum, 2011, p. 24) The second group is the 'Internal Capabilities' which groups
those fluid and dynamic states of the person: intellectual, emotional capacities, health,
bodily fitness, skills, personality traits, all of them trained by social interaction in
different social, economic, familiar, or political environments, and resources given by
society (health, education, support and infrastructure). The third category is the
combination of those 'Internal Capabilities' with the optimal conditions to choose.
These 'Combined Capabilities' are the answer to the question: What is this person able
to do or be? It could be defined as a set of interrelated opportunities to choose and act.
28Figure 7: Categories of Capabilities According to Nussbaum
Source: Author
The combination of personal faculties ('Internal Capabilities') and the right political,
social, and economic context grants those opportunities.
The goal of these capabilities and conditions is that individuals actively achieve
those functionings vital to them. However, the aim is not only to achieve particular
'beings' and 'doings' but to have the highest amount and quality of capabilities, as a
realm of choice and freedom. Nussbaum defines social justice as the political duty of
states to provide for the right conditions for every citizen to overcome a certain
threshold of Combined Capabilities. In this sense, a just state is the one that gives
differential conditions to its members according to their specific needs.
Regarding the list, the first question is how to select the essential capabilities. For
this task, the author turns to the concepts of dignity and respect. She argues that certain
conditions facilitate or not a dignified life, so the question must be: Which capabilities,
if removed, would make a life not worthy of human dignity?
Nevertheless, it is essential to recognize that not everybody must have the same
central capabilities or that living conditions must be unified. It is understood that the
objective of this list should be to protect the areas of essential freedoms that enable a
29humanly dignified life. The ten Central Human Capabilities (see Table 1) are open-
ended are always prone to discussion through democratic dialogues. In this line of
thought, the central capabilities arise from the question: What does a life worthy of
human dignity require? (Nussbaum, 2011)
Table 1: Central Human Capabilities
Central Human Capability Description
Life To live a human life of normal length. Not dying
prematurely.
Bodily Health To have good health. Adequate nourish. Adequate shelter.
Bodily Integrity To be secure against assault and violence. Being able to
move freely. Reproductive choice.
Senses, Imagination, and To be able to use one’s mind, senses, imagination, reason,
Thought and thought. To connect with experiences and produce
works of own choice. To have pleasurable experiences.
Emotions To be able of having emotional development. To live
without fear. To be attached to things and people.
Practical Reason To be able to engage in critical reflection. To plan own
life.
Affiliation To be able to live with and toward others. To engage in
different social interactions. Freedom of
assembly/speech. To be treated as a dignified being. To
not be discriminated.
Other Species To be concerned for other species and nature.
Play To be able to laugh, play, and enjoy recreational
activities.
Control Over One’s To be able to participate in political choices. To
Environment participate. To be able to hold property. To be able to seek
employment on equal basis.
Source: Author based on Nussbaum (2003)
30This aspect of the Capabilities Approach resonates with the methodological choices of
this research since it focuses on individual perspectives and inquiries about what is
valuable for each participant. Furthermore, it is appropriate for the nature of the overall
project and the intention of generating recommendations. The first theoretical choice
was to focus on capabilities instead of functionings to be able to look at a wide range
of possible ways of living (Robeyns, 2006). Furthermore, thinking accessibility as a
binary relationship between two entities, inhabitants and city, calls for a theoretical
perspective that considers the individual responsibility of citizens in their choices. This
is the "responsibility-sensibility principle" that Robeyns mentions.
4.2. Right to the City
Coming from a Marxist perspective, the concept of "Right to the city" was first coined
by Henri Lefebvre, inspired by the events of 1968 in Paris. In the search for alternatives
to capitalism, the focus was on the working class as crucial players in social change.
Nevertheless, this change was meant to happen at "the experiences of everyday life of
all kinds of people in their homes, in their schools, in their communities —and yes, in
their cities." (Marcuse, 2014, p. 5)
The right to the city, opposed to the right and need for nature, is a political claim
for social justice, social change and realization of human potential in order to eradicate
poverty and inequality (Marcuse, 2014). It is not merely a claim to return to the city (as
physical space), but to a transformed right to urban life as a place of encounter,
therefore it privileges use value over exchange value giving the user of the urban space
(inhabitant) a leading role. This "revolution" calls for action from the real dwellers of
the city, that is:
"[...] youth, students and intellectuals, armies of workers with or without white
collars, people from the provinces, the colonized and semi-colonized of all
31sorts, all those who endure a well-organized daily life [...] people who stay in
residential ghettos, in the mouldering centres of old cities and in the
proliferations lost beyond them." (Lefebvre, 1996, p. 159)
Huchzermeyer (2014) calls Lefebvre a Marxist humanist because of his concern about
people's desire for creativity, as opposed to productive work. From this point of view,
the "right to the city" is the combination of liberal and humanist concepts with a
Marxist perspective. The concept of "right" refers more to "a moral right, an appeal to
the highest of human values" than to legal claims backed by judicial frame. Lefebvre
argues that:
"The right to the city manifests itself as a superior form of rights: [sic] right
to freedom, to individualization and socialization, to habitat and to inhabit.
The right to the oeuvre, to participation and appropriation (clearly distinct
from the right to property), are implied in the right to the city.' (Marcuse,
2014, pp. 173-174)
Furthermore, "the city" is not a pre-existing space but a metaphor for a new way of life,
government, social life, physical environment, and legal jurisdiction. It becomes an
oeuvre, that is a work of art, of social relations in the city and the (re)production of
human beings instead of objects. (Marcuse, 2014)
Here, it is essential to highlight Lefebvre's distinction between "the city" and "the
urban." The first one is a capitalist, material, reduced, impoverished manifestation of
the urban world, where everything —physical space included— is a marketable
commodity. This is especially noticeable in the production of the space as isolated
segments corresponding to private property, useful to separate people into "habitats"
and prevent them from "coming together in spaces of encounter, play, and interaction."
(Marcuse, 2014, p. 149). On the other hand, "the urban" is not merely urbanization, but
32a society full of meaningful social connections and engagement between residents, a
place for the encounter (Harvey, 2008). It refers specifically to human interactions and
how inhabitants create and give meaning to space through everyday use and practices,
which requires appropriation and de-alienation of the urban space.
Giving ownership to the city to those who inhabit it goes against property rights
and therefore is revolutionary. At the core of the concept is questioning to power
relationships, but also the collective nature (opposed to the individual nature of liberal-
democratic rights). Furthermore, the right to the city is collective insofar as it responds
to the complexities of social life and the social use of spaces, and in that, it implies the
beginning of a revolution to move beyond state and capitalism that is impossible from
an individualistic point of view. (Purcell, 2014)
4.3. Analytical Framework
Supported by the concepts of the Capabilities Approach of Amartya Sen, the
operationalization of this theoretical framework offered by Martha Nussbaum, and
complemented by the concept of Right to City of Lefebvre, I offer the following
analytical framework for the case of accessibility in Port Elizabeth (See figure 8):
33(Martha Nussbaum)
1. Life
Figure 8: Analytical Framework
2. Bodily Health
3. Bodily Integrity Right to the City (Lefebvre, Harvey)
4. Senses, Imagination, and Thought Participate, appropriate and create
Why?
5. Emotions Urban life as a place of encounter
6. Practical Reason Why? of art
7. Affiliation
8. Other Species
9. Play
Social Justice
10. Control Over One’s Environment (Martha
34
Nussbaum) To
Capabilities Agency have a threshold
To enhance capabilities
Effective opportunities to Individual ability to choose, differentially
achieve what is meaningful pursue and realize what is
meaningful
Functionings Well-being
Various ‘doings’ and ‘beings’ Succeeding in pursuing and
imperative for subjective achieving subjective goals.
well-being Having the context to succeed
Source: Author5. Methodological Framework
5.1. Worldview, Ontology, and Epistemology
As stated by Creswell (2013), the research design process starts with philosophical
assumptions, nurtured by the researcher's "worldviews, paradigms, or sets of beliefs
[...] and these inform the conduct and writing of the qualitative study." (2013, p. 15).
In order to be transparent, the researcher needs to make these assumptions explicit to
be aware of their influence on the inquiry.
In this train of thought it is safe to say that my interest is how young people
perceive and give meanings to access and the city itself corresponds to a social
constructivist worldview. There are three reasons for this statement, the first one is that
I believe individuals try to understand the world they live in, creating complex
meanings out of their experience and interactions. (Creswell, 2013) The second, related
to the first one, is because it aligns with the anthropological approach of the research
inasmuch as I aim to focus on culture, understood as Clifford Geertz argues: "[...] to
be therefore not an experimental science in search of law but an interpretive one in
search of meaning." (Geertz, 1973, p. 5). The third one is that the particular historic
background of South Africa and how urban space reflects political, social, and
economic factors calls for a perspective that considers in how far this affects how
citizens engage with the city.
These underlying assumptions point to a relativist ontology, where "categories
only exist because we arbitrarily create them." (Della Porta & Keating, 2008, p. 21)
Therefore, the research aimed to explore the participant's definitions, experiences,
interactions, and complex relationships around accessibility. (Given, 2008) These
subjective categories, tell a story about the different ways of representing reality and
thus are capable of explaining multiples views on the city.
In this sense, the epistemology of this research is subjective since the city, and
therefore access to the city does not exist independently of what people makes out of
35it, so meaning is not natural but given by the interpretations. (Scotland, 2012) By
focusing on people, their interpretations of the world, meanings, capacities, agency,
and their behaviors and interactions I chose to conduct qualitative research. My role
as a researcher is to collect or gain knowledge about young people's perceptions and
interpretations on accessible cities (Given, 2008). My approach to uncover the multiple
and socially created realities was to submerge, collect, and entwine as many points of
view, experiences, and quotes as possible. To achieve this, I tried to become an insider
through fieldwork in the city of Port Elizabeth, South Africa. The intended result is a
coherent narrative that emphasizes on the participants, privileging their interpretation
(Della Porta & Keating, 2008).
5.2. Research Design
As mentioned above, the interest of this research is to uncover how young people in
Port Elizabeth define "accessibility," and which factors promote or hinder it. Therefore,
an ethnographic approach was selected. This research requires a closer approximation
to how young people experience the city, that is, a perspective from the "insider's or
native's perspective of reality." (Given, 2008, p. 289) This emic perspective is useful
to understand why members of the social group do what they do. Furthermore, the
concept of "access to the city" requires an on-site strategy that allows the researcher to
experience and see how young people approach the city to then try to make sense of
the collected data, in both the natives' views and the theoretical analysis, what is known
as the etic perspective. (Ibid)
According to Creswell (2013) the ethnographic approach focuses on an entire
cultural group. In this case, young people in Port Elizabeth. It is a process that requires
involving in the day-to-day lives of people through participant observation, interviews,
descriptions, and ultimately an interpretation of "shared and learned patterns of values,
behaviors, beliefs, and language of a culture-sharing." (Creswell, 2013, p. 68) The
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