INTERPRETING POST-SOCIALIST ICONS: FROM PRIDE AND HATE TOWARDS DISAPPEARANCE AND/OR ASSIMILATION
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HUMAN GEOGRAPHIES – Journal of Studies and Research in Human Geography
(2010) 4.1, 67-78
www.humangeographies.org.ro
INTERPRETING POST-SOCIALIST ICONS:
FROM PRIDE AND HATE TOWARDS DISAPPEARANCE
AND/OR ASSIMILATION
Mariusz Czepczyńskia*
a
Eberhard Karls University Tübingen, Germany, University of Gdańsk, Poland
Abstract: Cultural landscape, as compilation of forms, functions and meanings, always reflexes the
relationship of power and control out of which it has emerged. Major landscape transformations follow
principal social revolutions. One of the recent major political transformations had been started in
Central Europe in 1989 with the collapse of the communist regimes. Cultural landscape of Central and
Eastern Europe has been carrying many communism related features, structures and procedures,
represented by variety of landscape icons. The former symbols of the regimes and Soviet dominance
had been undergoing liminal transformations since then. Some icons had been forgotten and
disappeared, while some others have been incorporated into contemporary cultural landscape, usually
thanks to transformed function and/or meaning. The former icons are left between oblivion and
assimilation and can represent the application of the post-socialist memory policy, and readiness to
accept or deny the traumatic past. The liminal societies of Central and Eastern Europe choose,
sometimes unconsciously, what to remember and what to forget. Transformation of the former
communist icons represents the cultural interaction of the place, time and society and can be seen as a
litmus paper of the transformations.
Key words: Post-socialism, Central Europe, Cultural landscape, Icons, Transformation
Icons as cultural presentations of relationship with it, and through which they
thoughts have commented on social relations’
(Cosgrove 1998, 1). Landscape, similarly to
Cultural landscape, as social construction, is a language, can operate as a representational
form of spatial and cultural negotiation system – signs, places and icons can be read
between representation of the past and and interpreted as geosymbols or icons.
imagination of the future. Past is mainly Landscape is one of the most visible and
facilitated by histories and memories, whereas communicative media through which
future is conditioned by contemporary thoughts, ideas and feelings, as well as powers
managing powers. Interpretations of history, and social constructions are represented in a
together with past and present depictions are space. Representations through landscapes are
integral part of landscape discourse therefore central to the process by which the
(Czepczyński 2008, Black 2003). The meaning of space is produced. Members of the
landscape idea represents way of seeing in same culture share same values and meanings
which people have ‘represented to themselves and must reveal same or similar system of
and to others the world about them and their communication, based on mutually
understood codes and signs. Cultural urban
*Corresponding author: landscape is a system of representation, by
Email: mariusz.czepczynski@uni-tuebingen.de which all sorts of objects, buildings, features,MARIUSZ CZEPCZYŃSKI
people and events are correlated with a set of visualized and literally petrified in landscape
concepts or mental representation we carry in icons, as products and media of cultures and
our heads (Ashworth 1998, Robertson and powers. Icons become then most visible and
Richards 2003). most spectacular symbols of powers, and, if
One of the main methodologies of they are very good icons, deeply connected
cultural landscape research is, besides with ideas they represent, and the same time
textuality, iconography. Iconographical they share all the fortunes and misfortunes of
interpretation of landscape, as highlighted by their creators. The radical change of structures
Cosgrove (1998) gives specific attention to the of powers results than in similarly radical
development of the study of landscape as a transformations of their products, especially
way of seeing or representing the world. symbolic representations such as icons.
Through their iconography, groups share the Landscape iconoclasm has followed many of
same values and visions of the world and unite the conflicts and wars, when destroying
them within common space of belief. Icons important symbol was aimed to break the
carry meanings, which they bestow on places spirit and changed representations, but the
where they provide roots to people. Icons offer destroyed icon were not images of ‘our’, but
an image of the world as much as they make ‘their’ gods (Jencks 2005).
of the individual self in the world: they are a
worldview from a particular standpoint
(Bonnemaison 2005). Iconography can be also What to remember, how to forget
a way to contextualize cultural landscape, as it
is always based on identification, description If cultures are socially constructed, so too is
and the interpretation of the content of the past, manifested in memory practises of
images with an important significance to a commemoration and rejection. The past has
particular culture (Cosgrove, Daniels 2004). influenced contemporary identities and, to a
The iconography shares aspects with an iconic further extend, future opportunities and
object, and the philosophical definition of an developments. Historically conditioned
icon, as a sign with some factor common with cultural codings do not remain stable; they
the thing it represents. can and must be continuously reflected upon
Powers, as one of the most important and negotiated. Landscapes contain the traces
concept of social sciences, are usually defined of past activities, and people select the stories
as relation between groups or individuals, they tell, the memories and histories they
where one can influence or / and control evoke, the interpretative narratives they
behaviour of the other. Foucault (1975) weave, to facilitate their activities in the
analyses structures of powers and instead of present and future. The process of selection of
focusing on localizable, dominant, repressive, memories is conditioned or determined by
legal centres, he turned it to bear on technical several factors, most of which related to the
machinery and procedures, those ‘minor past or circumstances. For Ortega y Gasset
instrumentalities’, that, through a mere (1996) individuals and societies are never
organization of ‘details’, can transform detached from their past, while history and
‘diverseness’ of humanity into a ‘disciplined’ reason should not focus on what is static but
society, and manage, differentiate, classify and on what becomes dynamic.
fit into a hierarchy every deviancy that can Power over historical memory can be an
affect training, health, justice, and the army of important tool of historical policy, used to
labour (Foucault 1975). ‘The tiny plots of legitimise present actions. Orwell (1949)
discipline’, the ‘minor but flawless’ machinery summarise the role of historical policy
that colonised and made uniform the pointing that he who controls the past
institutions of the state, derive their commands the future; he who commands the
effectiveness from a relationship between future controls the past. This statement can be
procedures and the space they redistribute to exemplified by many cases of totalitarian and
create an ‘operator’. Those micro-, mezzo- and post-totalitarian landscapes re-interpretations.
sometimes macro-practices are often There is a historical tendency to discuss about
68 HUMAN GEOGRAPHIES – Journal of Studies and Research in Human Geography, (2010) 4.1, 67-78INTERPRETING POST-SOCIALIST ICONS
the supremacy of one track of memory over indeterminacy. One's sense of identity
the other, what is most often done, but dissolves to some extent, bringing about
recently many researchers rather try to find disorientation. Liminality is a period of
and understand the differentiations between transition, during which our normal limits to
the tracks and understand them (Massey thought, self-understanding, and behaviour
2006). History is being transferred and are relaxed, opening the way to something
transformed by memory practices. There are new. The threefold structure of liminal rites
two main traditions in memory research: one consists of a pre-liminal phase (separation), a
is focused on ‘who’ remembers, the other is liminal phase (transition), and a post-liminal
more concern on ‘what’ is to be remembered. phase (reincorporation). Turner (1975) noted
Both of the attitudes are closely connected that in liminality, individuals were ‘betwixt
and are essential to understand and interpret and between’: they did not belong to the
processes of memorising and recalling of the society that they previously were a part of and
past (Ricoeur 2004, 3-4). ‘Present is being they were not yet reincorporated into that
overcastted by otherness of the past. This is society (Turner 1975). Those liminal times can
why a memory becomes representation in be branded by liminal landscapes: the
double sense of prefix ‘re-‘, as something landscapes not any more typical for the
backwards and new’ (Ricoeur 2004, 38). previous regime and planning, but the same
Reminiscence is not simply based on evoking time quite different from the aspired ones.
of the past, but more on realization of the
learnt knowledge, deposit in mental space.
This memory is exercised, nursed, trained, and Communist landscape iconography
created. Command to recall can be
understood as an encouragement to simplify Landscape always shows the basic temper of
the history (Czepczyński 2008). the times, and judges its character (de Botton
A society can be analysed as a 2007). Ideology and urbanism have been
community connected by memories and closely entangled in every political system and
obliviousness (Renan 1995). Every community landscape. Landscape we can see now is the
needs some emotional binders, incorporated result of present and past ideologies
into its institutions, symbols and narrations. superimposed on urban tissue, and
Interpretations of the past are always additionally modified by cultures, economies
politically conditioned, and they often become and societies. There is a strong tendency to
political battlefields. Landscape icons anchor demonstrate and perform the power over
national, regional and local traditions of people and landscapes. The tendency appears
patriotism and commemoration, particularly in every political system, but become
during periods of political change. Each nation remarkably strong in totalitarian regimes, like
and social group has developed traditions and in every recent communist country of Central
rituals, aimed to define sense of group Eastern Europe. Power over practically any
identity. These traditions revolved around aspect of social and economic life has to be
actions, places and persons and they came to materialised and visualised, so nobody could
be celebrated in literature, music, painting, doubt who is in power. The only and
sculpture, and architecture (Foote, Tóth and omnipotent communist parties ruled not only
Arvay 2000). Memory is materialised and over economic, social, cultural life of a society,
harden in forms and meanings of heritage. but also over the visualised and aesthetic
History and heritage – that what we opt to expressions of everyday existence. Communist
select from the past – are used everywhere to linguistic discourses and philosophical
shape emblematic place identities and support debates over the role of means of
particular political ideologies (Graham 1998). communication, including landscape icons, as
Landscape of the times of structural communicative combination of form and
transformations represents social and cultural meaning, created the significance of
trends. The transformation or liminal state is landscaping in its intensely philosophical
characterised by ambiguity, openness, and context (Czepczyński 2008). Centralist
HUMAN GEOGRAPHIES – Journal of Studies and Research in Human Geography, (2010) 4.1, 67-78 69MARIUSZ CZEPCZYŃSKI
despotism was based on connection of masses important ideological functions. Marches,
atomisation techniques with techniques of manifestations, meetings, speeches and
forced and multilateral organization of the parades were crucial part of socialist ritual and
masses under strict control of the state. There ideological celebrations (Czepczyński 2008).
was a specific paradox of social consciousness: Those celebrations created new sacrum in
simultaneous approval and refusal of the socialist cities, where the cult to the abstract
system by many of the ordinary citizens or personal ‘gods’ was ritualised (Rembowska
(Hirszowicz 1980). Communist states 1998, Satjukow and Gries 2002). Making
oscillated between despotic, authoritarian socialist landscape significant and control that
pluralism, bureaucratic paternalism and other significance was one of the important tasks of
intrusive forms, visualised in cultural the new communist regimes. Ideological
landscape features. features of cultural landscape can be
Socialism, as ideological system, was to implemented on many different levels,
some extend based on various myths, incarnations and manifestations.
connected with rites, shrines and icons Among the most important places of the
(Łukasiewicz 1996). Socialist rites required communist city was its centre of political
objects of celebrations and particular spaces of power – the central committee of the
celebrations. Both of them were created in communist party. The Party was the other
socialist cities: the socialist ‘gods’ had been abstract ‘god’, present in socialist landscapes
produced, together with all pantheon of in ‘houses of the Party’ as its local
socialist heroes, celebrated according to headquarters had been often ephemerally
ritualized cult (Satjukow, Gries 2002, called. The committees were sometimes
Rembowska 1998). Revolution was considered located in the same building as municipalities,
as the prime ‘god’ and divided the universe but in larger cities the Party had a separate,
into bad, before it, and good, which came after usually newly constructed building.
the Revolution. Many monuments and Communist Party’s quarters, both on national,
sanctuaries had been erected to worship regional or very local level were clearly icons
Revolution, often of a dominate position in of powers. In every country of Central and
urban structure, located on the main squares Eastern Europe, Central Committees of the
or exposed on the border of green areas. The ruling parties had been located in
other category of celebrated icons included representational buildings in most prestigious
mainly the ‘establishing fathers’ of the locations (Czepczyński 2008). Most of them
communist system – Marx, Engles, Lenin, are classicistic constructions from the 1950s
Stalin. Their cult was hierarchic, changing in and often located on the river, as in Prague
times and supplemented by dozens of the and Budapest. Rather modest, but stabile and
others, lesser heroes, including military substantial constructions looked always as
commanders, local martyrs and communist solid as the system itself.
leaders. Many schools, streets, and factories Celebration of the heroes and ‘sacred’
were named after them, their official portraits events was enforced by significant names and
decorated streets and offices, and monuments episodes answered the growing demand for
were erected in numerous squares and new names of factories, streets, and new
boulevards. towns. In search for ‘proper’ names and codes,
Socialist myth made mythic icons, communists sized technically all leftist, social
representing their space and time was democratic, socialist, workers’ rights
associated with building new, better world, traditions, heroes and heritages. They
work for advancement and the Party assimilated all the 19th and early 20th century
(Łukasiewicz 1996). It was the space of grand protagonists and activists as theirs. Their
socialist designs and constructions, industrial, graves were turned into shrines, like the Lenin
infrastructural, and housing. The iconic palces Mausoleum and the alley of graves under the
were best seen during celebrations of many, Kremlin Wall on Moscow’s Red Square or ‘The
newly established feasts. The celebration Monument of the Socialists’ at the Central
required usually large, open spaces, playing Cemetery Berlin-Friedrichsfelde. Hundreds of
70 HUMAN GEOGRAPHIES – Journal of Studies and Research in Human Geography, (2010) 4.1, 67-78INTERPRETING POST-SOCIALIST ICONS
memorials and monuments had been raised, of representation (Hall 2002), derived from
not only to the great leaders, like Lenin or believes that meaning remains in the icons,
Stalin, but also to numerous national heroes objects, places, buildings in the real world,
and idols. Additional coding was connected while language functions like a mirror to
with monuments of the liberating Red Army. reflect or imitate the true sense as it already
Since Soviet troops captured almost all of exists. Elimination of structures and objects
Central Europe; the communist powers thought to be mimetic was most spectacular,
followed the Army and thousands of war theatrical and often most remarkable. Process
graves and memorials had been erected to of purging can be material or mental, and
commemorate the dead soldiers, as well as to always follows the liminal separation of good /
strengthen the ‘eternal friendship’ between acceptable from the offensive / undesirable /
the Soviet nation and the nations of the unwanted. Separation is the first phase of
brotherhood democratic republics. liminality, which began just after first free
The stylistic ‘innovations’ were elections in 1989 and 1990. Political
accompanied by number of monumental iconoclasm has been typical revolutionary
icons, aimed to become focal points of the behaviour aimed to reconstruct and
new urban establishments, by adding reinterpret the past by eliminating unwanted
comprehensible texts to the settings. The icons, strongly representing old system. The
grandest monuments had been raised to Stalin process had involved renegotiating meaning of
while he was still alive. Hundreds of other historical events and persons and affected the
important figures were raised into ‘altars’ and way these events have been represented and
shrines, often released by pre-communist commemorated in the landscape. After four
‘dimensioned’ heroes. The same time decades of iconoclastic strategies
personality cult was spread around the region, implemented by the communist parties, new
even grander then Hitler’s. The burdensome post-communist iconoclasm has been
meaning of communism was usually left activated by local governments, associations,
deeply coded into both external and internal political parties, and individuals (Foote, Tóth
structure of urban landscapes. The communist and Arvay 2000).
landscape had become very iconic, especially Liminal transformation of Central and
in urban centres; practically every town and Eastern European cultural landscape consists
city had been marked and stigmatised by of multiple separations, transitions and
iconic names, buildings, monuments and reincorporation, expresses in political
meanings. The official ideological and statements and everyday practices and living
iconographical propaganda was to some spaces. Radical changes in landscape
extent ignored or marginalised in everyday management resulted in spatial confusion and
practices, but it was, nevertheless, boldly a certain level of anarchy. Newly elected self-
visually present at almost every street corner governments had to cope with repeatedly
or square. changing regulations, as well as high
expectations of the local communities.
Personal taste of new decision-makers, as well
as national history, heritage and financial
Separation and elimination of recourses were mirrored in the features of the
unacceptable icons emancipated urban landscape of the early
1990s (Leach 1999; Sármány-Parsons 1998).
Problem of dealing with meanings and forms What to keep and what not to keep is an
of the post-socialist leftovers was one of the indicator of social aspirations desired cultural
most significant issues of post-socialist identities. This re-formulation was aimed on
landscape management. Since the early 1990s both local societies, as well as toward
communist ideological aspect of post-socialist investors and tourists to show both where are
landscapes had began to disappear. The were coming from, or rather – where we
opening landscape transformation tactic had would love to see us coming from – and where
been based on reflective or mimetic approach are we going. This selection of particular
HUMAN GEOGRAPHIES – Journal of Studies and Research in Human Geography, (2010) 4.1, 67-78 71MARIUSZ CZEPCZYŃSKI
historical events, myths and their political logos. Since 1989 each of the post-communist
utilisation is typical for many transitional country has modified its national emblems
societies. Cultural and political history of and formal representational symbols. Red
nation, society and city has been constantly stars, together with hammers and sickles
negotiated in landscape as an identity, based disappeared, to be replaced by crowns and
on what is remembered or rather recalled. historical symbols. Sometimes, like in
Elimination of unwanted attributes of cultural Hungary, East Germany or Romania, the
landscape has been one of the initial steps of national flag with hole in a place of the
the post-socialist iconoclasm, which went socialist logo symbolised the 1989 revolution.
through all Central and Eastern Europe in the The socialist iconic symbols and slogans
early 1990s (Czepczyński 2008). The cities and swiftly vanished from shop windows, streets,
regions have been cleansed from unsolicited train stations, houses, factories and even
features, to make places more habitable and farms.
acceptable for the liberalised societies. Many The fate of iconographical monuments
of the unwanted icons had been eliminated by of socialist heroes illustrates political and
physical destruction, followed by elimination social transformation of the liminal societies.
from social practices and memories. Removal, One of the most common practice in 1989 or
renaming, rededication or just reuse of the very early 1990s includes elimination of
symbolic heritage of a discredited regime was, objects impossible to reinterpret, like most
in itself, simple enough, ‘a new onomatology iconic and often much hated monuments. The
of places’ (Węcławowicz 1997). The act of statues represented the fallen regime and
destruction of a monument, a mimetic symbol humiliations, forged history and enforced
of the past and reviled power, was a particular supremacy of the communist party. In some
act of catharsis, a way to start from the ‘new cases, the process of icons’ removal became a
beginning’. fiesta and symbolic gesture of liberation. The
Changing and eliminating unwanted removal of Warsaw’s Felix Dzierżyński statue
features or residua was among the major was accompanied by cheered enthusiastic
demanded and sometimes risky tasks of the crowds, celebrating symbolic ‘breaking the
political landscapes decision-makers and chains’ in autumn 1989. The remains of the
managers. The drive of de-communization of monument are stored by the municipal
public space was particularly strong in Poland, gardening company in the outskirts of the city
Romania and Hungary, as well as in the Czech (Dudek 2005). Several of the old icons in
and Baltic Republics. The key role was played bronze were melted to make material for new
by the new right wing, nationalistic and anti- statues, or were sold to private collectors, like
communist parties and governments, which the ones from Kraków and Berlin. Some other
usually anchored their identities in anti- seems to be ‘disappeared and forgotten’;
socialist, anti-Soviet and often anti-Russian including Sofia’s Lenin statue removed in the
narrations (Leach 1999, Sármány-Parsons late 1990s due to a road reconstruction and
1998). Landscape features considered as never returned to its former place or the
reflecting communist ideas had to be Bucharest Lenin’s monument, moved from its
eliminated from public spaces. Changes and high pedestal in front of the ‘House of Free
removals made after 1989 were always Press’ and laid down by the kitchen wall of
selective. The question was not weather to suburban palace of Mogoşoaia, visited mainly
remove all the statues put up during the by foreign tourists equipped with the Rough
communist regime, but to eliminate worst and Guide (Czepczyński 2008). In some case, icons
physically unacceptable icons and oppressive not eliminated in during early 1990s, might
signs of the fallen regimes. Some statues were cause severe problems 20 years later, as it was
removed, others were modified, or restored clear by the case of the Bronze Soldier in
and reconstructed (Foote, Tóth and Arvay Tallinn.
2000). One of the first aspects of elimination Despite of very loudly and theatrically
of unwanted meanings was process of performed, especially in the early 1990s,
selection and purge of iconic emblems and iconoclastic eliminations of the communist
72 HUMAN GEOGRAPHIES – Journal of Studies and Research in Human Geography, (2010) 4.1, 67-78INTERPRETING POST-SOCIALIST ICONS
monuments, relatively few statues and called the ‘Balast der Republik’. The
monuments were actually destroyed after demolishing has begun in 2006, officially due
1989. In every country of the region many to asbestos structure of the building, but for
statues were literally re-positioned, de- most of the East Germans the reason was
pedestaled and removed to peripheral clearly political, as eliminating prominent
locations, but the Hungarian cases are best symbol of the late German Democratic
documented and analysed (Foote, Tóth and Republic.
Arvay 2000). The most famous and the biggest Another unacceptable function was
‘cemetery of the monuments of the recent connected with the revolutionary cult and
past’ is located at Szobor Park in Budapest. shines of the system. There were hundreds of
Other ‘de-pedestaled’ iconic statues assembly larger or smaller museums, which were
is located in Kozłówka, Eastern Poland and established to educate, indoctrinate and
become much modest congregation of Marxist propagate communist ideas all around the
memorabilia, based mostly on unwanted icons communist Central and Eastern Europe. Most
storage established during de-Stalinization of them had hardly any historical artefacts,
times just after 1956. Sometimes, the creation but were popular destinations of organized
of monuments’ parks can be rather accidental and not fully voluntary tourism of the
and facilitated by local entrepreneurs, like in communist era. Museum of revolutionary or /
Lithuanian Grūto, where local businessman, and workers’ movement was probably the
enriched by exporting mushrooms and berries most popular type of those ideological shines.
collected more than 80 various monuments Every major city in Soviet Union, Bulgaria,
and communist memorials from all Lithuania. Romania and East Germany had to have one
The other congregations of iconoclasted icons of those. None of the old museum exists
include Bucharest Park of Totalitarianism and anymore, almost nobody remembers the
Socialist Realism and the Sculpture Park in locations. The smaller buildings were by and
Moscow’s Gorky Park. Those specific theme large returned to the former owners, while
parks are mostly visited by tourists, and some of the larger ones are still public edifice,
become just another interesting attraction, including museums, but definitely not
but rather seldom a history lesson. De- communism related. Some of them had
sacralization and de-pedestalization of old changed names and some of their exhibitions,
icons brought them down to be merely a like probably the most famous of them, St.
tourist attraction, often funny, sometimes Petersburg’s Museum of the Revolution,
funky and rarely reflective. renamed in the early 1990s as the Museum of
The same time, very pragmatically, only Political History.
a few iconic constructions and buildings were
mimetically communist enough to be
destroyed, in course of cultural landscape
cleanings in post-communist Europe. Since From icons to almost unidentified
buildings can be much easier re-defined and objects or lost in oblivion
reused, only most important ones had to be
devastated. The Berlin Wall became the most Human memory, facilitated by processes of
popular icon reflecting division of Europe, as remembering and oblivion has a tendency to
well as communist supremacy and isolation. keep and treasure positive aspects of the past
The Wall became a symbol of the post-war and forget as much as possible any traumatic
division of Europe and as such had been and negative experiences. This memory
destroyed and sold by pieces shortly after strategy has been practiced by practically
1990. Only in 1999 the mausoleum of Georgi every liminal society, while forgetting former
Dimitrov, Bulgarian communist leader, was icons and its harmful connotations turned out
torn down in downtown Sofia by the right to be one of the most important and often
wing royalist government. For many, the other relatively easy tasks. Former icons had been
victim of revenge and purge is Berlin’s Palace removed, renamed; their functions drastically
of the Republic, by some vicious commentators changed and in consequence eliminated form
HUMAN GEOGRAPHIES – Journal of Studies and Research in Human Geography, (2010) 4.1, 67-78 73MARIUSZ CZEPCZYŃSKI
everyday practices and memory. Sometimes Red Army memorials were usually
post-traumatic societies block parts of their monumental structures and played significant
collective memory as a remedy to deal with political function during communist era, as
distressing and hurtful past (Ricoeur 2004). symbol of dependence of the Soviet Empire.
This practice employs mainly omnipotent Tanks, obelisks, grand sculptures of victorious
mercy of oblivion: features forgotten are not soldiers have evoked many bad memories.
important any more. Since most of humans Those monuments were often located in
are inclined to keep positive memories and central parts of the cities, major crossroads or
forget the traumatic ones, a hefty part of the hills, so the local society was reminded every
former communist landscapes and icons are day, whom they should be thankful. Many of
more than less forgotten by now. Many old the Soviet war memorials were removed from
icons simply disappeared from public view the most exposed and central locations after
and people’s mind. 1989, but only in Central European countries
Functional transformations were and Baltic Republics, while in Russia,
doubtless most significant in disappearance of Byelorussia and Ukraine the myth and sacrum
the former icons. New roles, often contrary to of the WW2 seems to be still very important.
the old ideological ones, cover the former Those cemeteries were maintained and
meaning, while frequently leaving the form protected according to the international
unchanged. The left-over landscapes of conventions and treaties governing war
emptiness or silence, such as empty pedestals, graves. Most spectacular Soviet Army
can be meaningful only for those who dare or monuments and memorial were usually in the
care to remember. The process of capital cities, like grand complex in Berlin
transforming objectives by fixing new Treptow. Some monuments had been
intentions to the old icons can be best relocated, many stayed at the same locations,
exemplified by the former communist party but their roles and mental value for local
buildings in almost every Central and Eastern societies had been radically changed. The
European town. Regional or municipal icons of Soviet dominance, as they ware for
hefty parts of the Central European societies,
communist party quarters almost everywhere
had been transformed into not much more
lost their primary intentions and significance.
then cemeteries, usually relatively well kept.
The former centres of power and supremacy
There are fewer and fewer people who, 55
were turn into much less dominant, but
years after the Second World War, still
locally important public buildings like schools,
treasure the historical heroes, and their
offices, banks or culture centres. One of the
formerly iconic graveyards and memorials
classiest examples of the alteration of function become just burial grounds.
and meaning is the former headquarter of the After the initial purges of the early
Polish United Workers Party in Warsaw. The 1990s, there is still certain demand for a
1950s structure, locally known as the ‘White ‘refuge’ or ‘asylum’ for the old monuments.
House’, was reassigned in 1991 into one of the The process of statues separation and
first and the biggest in the region Warsaw elimination has not been completed in Central
Stock Exchange and later to Warsaw Financial and Eastern Europe. Some quite recently very
Centre. From the icon of the workers’ power powerful emblems of the communist period
the building became merely an office building remain in public view, albeit somewhat off the
(Czepczyński 2008). Most of the other beaten track. Some of them, even if stayed in
communist parties’ headquarters faced similar their original locations, like the copy of the
de-classification, from the main source of balcony, from which Karl Liebknecht declared
power to an office building of secondary the socialist republic in Berlin in 1918,
administration (Berlin, Budapest, Prague, attached to the façade of one of the
Riga, Vilnius, Kiev and Bratislava), and in governmental buildings in central Berlin, lost
consequence less and less people still practically all its iconic meanings and became
remember the locations of the former centres merely a strange neo-baroque decoration on
of powers. the modernist building. Many smaller
74 HUMAN GEOGRAPHIES – Journal of Studies and Research in Human Geography, (2010) 4.1, 67-78INTERPRETING POST-SOCIALIST ICONS
memorials were raised since the 1960s till the Accommodated icons: few roles of old
1980s, and most of them which remained on features
their former locations, simply had their
inscriptions removed, what can be seen in Changing context might not be enough to
many cities and towns. Monuments without transform all aspects of the liminal landscape,
signatures became insignificant and but can symbolise social and cultural
practically forgotten relict of the past. Left transformation. Complexity of the
over and text-less monument become merely reinterpretation practices is mirrored in
a curious sculpture, often hidden in unkempt various attitudes and contextualization of
green, like the small statue group on Corvin different social groups. Frequently groups of
Street in Miskolc, Hungary. Probably sooner youngsters use distinct system of
or later those derelict monuments will representation than the older generation, so
disappear from public view. places and icons have separate constructivist
Communist monuments are still meanings for them. Re-construction is usually
remaining in some of the East German cities, related to re-incorporation of de-constructed
like popular with tourists Marx and Engels features, where ideological significance has
monument in central Berlin, but also in many been reduced to its current market appeal.
Russian, Ukrainian (except for Lviv), and Reincorporation, according to Turner (1975) is
Belorussian cities, although many of them the final rite, when the division between ‘old’
looks abandoned and sometimes removed to a and new’ becomes insignificant and eventually
less exposed location, like in Kaliningrad. disappears or is used in new social roles. That
Similar fate is shared by dozens of less phase have begun in Central and Eastern
political icons of the previous system, like the Europe, and most likely will be implemented
monuments of 1300 years of Bulgaria, erected by the following generation. Numerous
by the late leader of communist party Todor cultural groups create their own systems of
Zhivkov. The monumental structures are in representations, based on distinctive
general in very poor technical conditions, construction which results from particular
including the one in central Sofia, are facing experiences and expectations.
unknown future, and possible demolition. One of the first recognised and
Similarly indefinite prospects are for the accommodated icons became the Berlin Wall.
uncompleted iconic buildings at central The Wall was initially almost all destroyed,
Bucharest, like House of Radio or the National and partially sold as symbol of the collapse of
Library. All of those former icons are state communism, while later, since the mid
somewhere between memory and oblivion, 1990s, the process of ‘museumification’ of the
between further existence through Berlin Wall has began, including its protection
reinterpretation and possible eradication. and even partial reconstruction, like on the
Empty pedestals and former sites of the Potsdamer Sq. or on Bernauer St. Other
monuments, like the one left after world’s commendable example of quite disputable but
largest Stalin monument in Prague, holes left rather popular assimilation and re-
after memorable plates, vast squares and construction of the former communist icon is
broad avenues designed for grand marches the largest and the tallest building in Poland,
and meetings, silently speak of ‘the recent completed in 1955 and presented as a 'gift
past’. The message of these landscapes of from the Soviet nation to the Polish nation'.
silence is only understood by those who still Initially, and only for a year, the building was
remember. Usually, many of the early officially called ‘Joseph Stalin Palace of Culture
transformed icons are well forgotten. Fewer and Science’, and still houses Polish Academy
and fewer people can remember the old, of Sciences, libraries, museums, theatres,
socialist street names, exact locations of the cinema, congress hall, bars, restaurants,
monuments or the sites of former communist viewing platform and many other cultural and
party buildings, not even mentioning scientific entities. After long deliberations,
meanings and texts officially attached to those since February 2007, the Palace of Culture and
icons. Science has been listed as historical heritage
HUMAN GEOGRAPHIES – Journal of Studies and Research in Human Geography, (2010) 4.1, 67-78 75MARIUSZ CZEPCZYŃSKI
and is legally protected from any Travel guides and brochures proudly
reconstruction or transformation of form concentrate on magnificence and opulence of
(Passnet 2004). For many the Palace is still a the building, constructed by Romanians, using
symbol of Soviet domination and communist Romanian raw materials, while the infamous
tyranny. The same time, especially for younger initiator is practically nonexistent in local
generation, the Palace, actually older then texts or contexts. All of these urban
Warsaw’s Old Town, is the coolest and most establishments are listed and are present in
funky symbol of the Polish capital city. city sightseeing programmes, as well as guide
Due to the limited connection with the books and tourist maps (Czepczyński 2008).
outside world, the socialist landscape had One of the classiest example of re-
resisted, to some extent, the globalization construction of the cultural codification and
flows until the early 1990s. There is a growing re-negotiation is the grand head of Karl Marx
demand for grandeur and symbolism in the in Chemnitz (former Karl-Marx-Stadt),
post-modern world which can be found in Germany. The huge head stands on pedestal
many features of socialist cultural landscape. in front of a tall administration building on
Growing tourist demand and often limited central crossroad of Chemnitz. 3 meters high
local attractions strained local societies to re- pedestal still keeps the distance and almost
interpret old icons to meet contemporary force some respect. The monument has been
requirements and pressures of competitive constructed in 1971 and has been a historical
tourist markets. The reinterpretation is based monument since 1994. According to Weiske
on preserving mainly 1950s features, as (2002), 70% of questioned inhabitants see it as
symbolic, museum-like objects, forgetting and a symbol of the city, but in everyday practices
stripping off any negative meanings. Old the flat surfaces around it are only used by
communist era landscape icons can re-packed teenage skater, attracted by empty, unutilised,
and reinterpreted to meet contemporary place a bit isolated but good quality granite plates.
marketing demands. Historical patina has Other new but stylish use of the old
made the pompous Stalinist buildings and iconic features appears in dozen of post-
urban settings quite an attraction, which communist theme pubs and bars, located in
appeals to many tourists. Some of the grand many cities around the region. The bars, like
designs are preserved as architectural and Committee in Lublin, People’s Republic of
cultural representations of the past times. One Poland in Wrocław, Under Red Hog in
of the most popular post-Stalinist urban Warsaw, or exclusive CCCP in Kiev are
arrangements includes the 1950s new town of focused on both local clientele and the
Nowa Huta in Kraków, designed in neo- tourists, searching for something familiar and
renaissance and classicistic style, known as funky. The interior design, full of communist
soc-realism. Similarly, many public buildings propaganda and icons, as well as the names
in Moscow, Minsk or Kiev, Poruba district in recalls the communist past, but only in funny,
Ostrava in Czech Republic, towns’ centres of amusing, odd, curious or comical way. Those
Eisenhüttenstadt in Germany or Hungarian places are being promoted as ‘the last secrets
Dunaújváros meet tourist demand for 50 years of the Communists’, while styled pictures of
old and distinctive features. The Berlin Marx, Engels, Lenin and other icons complete
triumphalist former Stalin Alley found favour the interior design. Some of the exhibits are
with postmodernists, with Philip Johnson original communist features, while some
describing it as 'true city planning on the others are recent copies. Many of those places
grand scale', while Aldo Rossi called it are not only full of tourists, but usually also
'Europe's last great street’. The characteristic local students, for whom looking for post-
and recently renovated tiled buildings are also socialist past is the way to self-identify in
scene of the TV advertisements, films and globalising and amalgamated world. For most
music video clips (Kopleck 2006). New social of the young tourist visiting socialist theme
context of nationalist pride has been attached pubs, the trip to the communist times is as
to the Civic Centre of Bucharest, and exotic, and often evens more, as travelling to
especially to the Palace of the Parliament. the other continent.
76 HUMAN GEOGRAPHIES – Journal of Studies and Research in Human Geography, (2010) 4.1, 67-78INTERPRETING POST-SOCIALIST ICONS
Conclusions The attitude towards post-socialist
landscapes mirrors precedent humiliations
Cultural landscape can be seen as a particular and dictatorships, as well as present
living laboratory of transforming societies and acceptance and reconciliation with own
cities through functions, meanings and forms. history and can be seen as explicit indicator of
Central and Eastern European cities carry political and cultural transformations. The
different types on imprints of at least half a same time fate of old communist symbols
century of socialism. Production of new layers represent attitudes towards the ‘recent past’
of meaning and different interpretation of and can be seen as a ‘litmus paper’ indicating
post-socialist icons is an ongoing process. position in the liminal transformation.
Cultural coding does not remain stable; it is a Memory, as the representation of the past, is
subject to change in time and space. It can or an important political resource (Foucault
must be continuously reflected upon and 1980). The past manifested in memory
negotiated. Each mentioned above icons is practises of commemoration and rejection
loaded with layers of meanings, texts and influences contemporary identities and, to a
connotations, attached to it by various social further extend, future opportunities and
groups of decoders (Czepczyński 2008). The developments.
chosen exemplifications of liminal landscape
transformation are related to the selected
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