The Gendered Harassment of Parliamentary Candidates in the UK
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The Political Quarterly
The Gendered Harassment of Parliamentary
Candidates in the UK
SOFÍA COLLIGNON, ROSIE CAMPBELL AND WOLFGANG RÜDIG
Abstract
This article explores the role gender plays in the harassment, abuse and intimidation (HAI) of
parliamentary candidates in the UK at election time. Using data from the Representative Audit
of Britain surveys (2015–2019) this article takes an intersectional approach to investigate whether
trends identified in 2017 suggesting that women candidates reported more incidences of HAI
and were more likely to be concerned for their personal safety as a result than men, remain
apparent in the subsequent election. Results suggest that HAI is getting worse for candidates
in general, and the gender gap is widening. About three in every four women experienced some
levels of fear while campaigning.
Keywords: harassment, VAW-P, women, gender, candidates
Background small sample studies of women parliamentar-
ians have shown alarmingly high levels of
THIS ARTICLE uses data from the Represen- experiences of sexual harassment and violence
tative Audit of Britain (RAB), a survey of all against women politicians globally.3 Extant
parliamentary candidates who stood in the
research suggests that women politicians are
2015–2019 British general elections, in order
subject to a hugely disproportionate share of
to explore the role gender plays in the experi-
sexualised abuse online, and offline, women
ences of harassment, abuse and intimidation
often experience more threatening and sexua-
(HAI) by parliamentary candidates at election
lised threats and attacks. Furthermore, black
time. Previous research has shown that in
2017, women candidates reported more inci- and minority ethnic women are disproportion-
dences of abuse and were more likely than ately targeted compared with white women.4
men to be concerned for their personal safety Historically, the study of violence against
as a result.1 This paper compares the 2017 women in politics has been subsumed within
and 2019 general elections in order to identify the study of the harassment and intimidation
whether this gender gap in experience of
harassment was apparent in the subsequent Violence Against Women in Politics, New York,
election and provides a more detailed insight Oxford University Press, 2020.
3
into the gendered nature of harassment and Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU), Sexism, Harass-
its impact on candidates. ment and Violence Against Women Parliamentarians,
The issue of violence against women in pol- 2016 and 2018; https://www.ipu.org/resources/
itics has received renewed attention in recent publications/issue-briefs/2016-10/sexism-harassme
years in the wake of a number of high-profile nt-and-violence-against-women-parliamentarians; ht
tps://www.ipu.org/resources/publications/issue-b
attacks on women politicians and a wave of
riefs/2018-10/sexism-harassment-and-violence-again
women’s activism calling for change.2 Several st-women-in-parliaments-in-europe (both accessed
21 September 2021).
1
S. Collignon and W. Rüdig, ‘Lessons on the harass- 4
S. Collignon and W. Rüdig, ‘Increasing the cost of
ment and intimidation of parliamentary candidates female representation? Violence towards women in
in the United Kingdom’, The Political Quarterly, politics in the UK’, Journal of Elections, Public Opinion
vol. 91, no. 2, 2020, pp. 422–429. and Parties, 2021; https://www.tandfonline.com/
2
J. Bigio and R. Vogelstein, ‘Women under attack’, doi/full/10.1080/17457289.2021.1968413 (accessed
Foreign Affairs, vol. 99, 2020, p. 131. M. L. Krook, 21 September 2021).
© 2021 Political Quarterly Publishing Co (PQPC) 1of politicians more broadly. However, in office from getting on with our very important
recent years there have been calls for the re- work’. Analysis of the impact of experience of
conceptualisation of violence against women abuse on women’s campaign strategies has
in politics to be understood as a distinct phe- shown that there can be a damaging link
nomenon. Mona Lena Krook argues that polit- whereby women who experience intimidation
ical violence against women ‘aims to exclude restrict their campaigning strategies.7 Thus,
women as women from the political sphere there is an urgent need to understand the level,
via dynamics of structural, cultural, and sym- nature and impact of HAI in order develop and
bolic violence’.5 Harassment, abuse and intim- implement measures to tackle it. Here, we
idation (HAI) of all candidates is a challenge to assess whether there has been any change in
democracy; by its very nature it is intended to the reported levels of abuse experienced by
silence and intimidate in order to limit free and candidates between 2017 and 2019, whether
fair participation in the democratic process. men and women report differing rates and
Abuse targeted at women candidates is aimed types of abuse and the extent to which women
at supressing women’s full political participa- candidates from ethnic minority communities
tion as women. In this article, we assess the are disproportionately targeted.
extent to which women candidates standing
in the 2019 British general election were targets
of abuse. Data and methods
The 2019 election provides an important case
study for measuring gendered political abuse. In the wake of the horrific murder in 2016 of Jo
Several high-profile women MPs retiring from Cox, the MP for Batley and Spen, by a misogy-
Parliament in 2019 citated gendered harassment nist white supremacist, and widespread
and intimidation amongst their reasons for not reporting of the hostile environment women
seeking re-election. These complaints cut across politicians found themselves negotiating in
parties, but were disproportionately evident the polarised post-EU referendum politics,
among Conservative women MPs. In 2019, we included a new component to the RAB sur-
nineteen women MPs stood down, roughly pro- vey. We incorporated a battery of specially
portionate to the representation of women in the designed survey items in 2017, which we then
House, but the nine Conservative (and former augmented in 2019, intended to measure the
Conservative MPs who had resigned from the level and impact of the abuse of parliamentary
party) women who retired were on average six candidates and the extent to which it is gen-
years younger than retiring Conservative men dered. We take a victim-centred approach
and had spent eight fewer years in the House.6 and focus on experiences that the candidates
Heidi Allen, Nicky Morgan, Amber Rudd and themselves label as HAI, avoiding providing
Caroline Spelman all raised the issue of the a stringent definition that will most likely
harassment and intimidation of women politi- prompt candidates to leave out experiences
cians and the increasing polarisation and hostil- of psychological abuse.8
ity in British politics among their reasons for The RAB is an original individual-level sur-
exiting the Commons. A further indication of vey of all candidates who stood in the 2015,
the concern shared by many women MPs was 2017 and 2019 UK general elections. In total
the public letter signed by more than seventy our 2017/19 sample is made up of 2,657 candi-
women MPs, in solidarity with Megan Markle, dates, with 1,495 responses from candidates
stating that they shared ‘an understanding of standing in 2017 (53 per cent response rate)
the abuse and intimidation which is now so often and 1,162 responses (36 per cent response rate)
used as a means of disparaging women in public from those standing in 2019. The response rate
varies between parties and, therefore, our
5
Krook, Violence Against Women. statistical analyses are weighted by party.
6
C. Butler, R. Campbell and J. van Heerde-Hudson,
‘Political recruitment under pressure, again: MPs 7
Collignon and Rüdig, ‘Increasing the cost of female
and candidates in the 2019 general election’, in representation’.
T. Bale, R. Ford, W. Jennings and P. Surridge, eds., 8
Collignon and Rüdig, ‘Lessons on the harassment
The British Geneneral Election, 2019, London, and intimidation’; Collignon and Rüdig, ‘Increasing
Palgrave Macmillan, forthcoming. the cost of female representation’.
2 SOFIA COLLIGNON ET AL.
The Political Quarterly © 2021 Political Quarterly Publishing Co (PQPC)Figure 1: Proportion of candidates by party targeted by HAI
Findings the problem. However, there is also a danger
that the experience of HAI will be ‘normalised’
1) Despite all efforts, harassment, as an inevitable consequence of seeking elec-
abuse and intimidation (HAI) of toral office. Additionally, varying response rates
between the two surveys might limit their
parliamentary candidates appears
comparability.
to be getting worse The level of HAI reported in the survey
Overall, in 2019, 49 per cent of candidates indi- varies significantly by party and the targets
cated that they had suffered any form HAI of the most abuse shifted between the elec-
while campaigning. This is a significant tions, potentially demonstrating the impact
(pindicating that they were subject to some kind 3) BAME and LGBT+ women report
of abuse during the election campaign.
the highest rates of HAI
Our analysis shows that intersectionality plays a
2) Women experience higher rates of role in candidates’ experiences of abuse. Our sam-
HAI than men and that gap appears ple includes 200 candidates (7.53 per cent) who
identify as being Black, Asian or from an ethnic
to be widening minority (BAME), giving us sufficient sample size
Our analysis suggests that HAI has a gendered for a four-way comparison between BAME and
component. As Figure 2 shows, in 2017 and white, women and men. Our results show
2019 women suffered disproportionate levels increasing levels of HAI among BAME candi-
of HAI. In 2017, 45 per cent of women respon- dates, with 55 per cent of BAME respondents
dents to the survey reported experiencing of reporting experiencing abuse in 2019 (p>=0.1)
some form of HAI whilst campaigning, com- compared with 37 per cent in 2017 (psample includes 204 candidates who identify exception of receiving threatening or abusive
as members of the LGBT+ community (7.68 phone calls, property damage and people loiter-
per cent). Overall, we find evidence (p=0.05). We are cautious about draw- and 31 per cent of men reported being targeted
ing strong conclusions from this evidence, as by email, and 13 per cent of women and 9 per
the category most likely includes disabilities cent of men reported receiving abusive phone
which are not visible or publicly declared. calls. Women were also slightly more likely
to report receiving threatening letters (18 per
4) Online HAI appears to be on the rise, cent of women compared to 15 per cent of
men), to be followed (11 per cent of women
and getting worse for women and 7 per cent of men) and loitered around
We asked candidates about the nature of the HAI (8 per cent of women and 5 per cent of men),
they suffered. Table 1 shows that, with the and to be threatened with physical harm
Table 1: Types of harassment, abuse and intimidation
2017 2019
Type of HAI
experienced M W Total M W Total Notes
Physical % 4 5 4 6 3 5 Year p= 0.05
Threatened % 12 12 12 16 23 18 Year p=0.05; sex
2019 pTable 2: Emotional response to HAI
2017 2019
Feelings Not at all Moderately Very Not at all Moderately Very
Annoyed M % 71 10 19 25 46 29
(year pexpected.10 Our analysis shows the scale of the London. Rosie Campbell is Professor of Politics
problem and its unequal impact. We hope that and Director of the Global Institute for Women’s
sharing these findings will be a further stimu- Leadership at King’s College London. Wolfgang
lus to more action. Rüdig is Reader in Politics at the School of
Government and Public Policy, University of
Sofía Collignon is Lecturer in Political Commu- Strathclyde.
nication at Royal Holloway, University of
10
N. Johnson, ‘Intimidation of candidates and
voters’, UK Parliament research briefing, no. 9192,
3 September 2021; https://commonslibrary.parlia
ment.uk/research-briefings/cbp-9192/ (accessed 21
September 2021).
THE GENDERED HARASSMENT OF PARLIAMENTARY CANDIDATES IN THE UK 7
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