Tracing the Socio-Economic Livelihoods of Urban Poor Migrants Post Loss of Rural Agricultural Production Land in South Sulawesi
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World Congress, IEA Indonesia 2020
Tracing the Socio-Economic Livelihoods of Urban
Poor Migrants Post Loss of Rural Agricultural
Production Land in South Sulawesi
Andi Faisal Anwar1
Mustofa Umar2
Hasbiullah3
Puspita Hardianti Anwar4
Economics Department1, 2, 3, Accounting Department4
Faculty of Islamic Economics and Business, Alauddin State Islamic University Makassar
Yasin Limpo St, 36 Samata, Gowa, South Sulawesi
Email :faisal.anwar@uin-alauddin.ac.id1, mustofa.umar@gmail.com2,
hasbiullahjabbar@gmail.com3, puspita.hardianti@uin-alauddin.ac.id4
Abstract:
Rural farmers lost production land; poor people's livelihood is really caused for concern.
They eventually migrate to urban areas and become poor urban migrants. They must live
below the standard poverty line. At the same time, they must find food, support their
families, send their children to medical treatment at the hospital. Then, the next big
question mark is how these urban poor migrants survive, in the midst of such complicated
urban life. The objectives of this study include; why Makassar is the target of migration of
the poor from the countryside, how these urban poor migrants survive and efforts to escape
poverty, and how the wishes and hopes of the urban poor migrants to the government. This
study uses a qualitative approach with ethnographic design, to understand the socio-
economic conditions of urban poor migrants. This research found that the reason Makassar
City was the target of migration of the poor from the countryside; lack of land, is considered
more promising, Makassar City is considered closer to the area of origin, the presence of
relatives and families who previously lived in Makassar. In addition, the survival strategies of
urban poor migrants and efforts to escape poverty, in the midst of such complex urban life;
choose to work with low wages, owe each month, live in a family home. Limit consumption
needs (food and drink), accept donations from people who empathise. Desires and
expectations of urban poor migrants to the government: educational assistance such as
scholarship facilities, additional skills so that they can obtain a better income than before,
subsidized housing assistance, rice subsidy assistance. Suggestions for stakeholders, to
overcome these various problems of poor migrants include; land redistribution by the
government for landless rural farmers, help in increasing agricultural production, scholarship
assistance for poor migrant children, free health assistance, direct assistance in the form of
rice, subsidized housing assistance for urban poor, redistributing fiscal expenditure based on
poverty alleviation.
Keywords: Migrant, Poverty, Income.
INTRODUCTION
The urban phenomenon has become a universal urban problem in various places.
Naturally, city growth and development is influenced by urbanisation, which can be seen
based on demographic, economic, and social aspects. Urban areas that are increasingly
1Andi Faisal Anwar1, Mustofa Umar2,Hasbiullah3
Tracing the Socio-Economic Livelihoods of Urban Poor …
growing and developing also cause the development of heterogeneity which shows the
social differences of the population (Mc Gee, 1995). Urbanisation results in changes, both
constructive and destructive that depend on various factors, including the carrying capacity
of cities, primarily physical and economic carrying capacity, the quality of urbanites,
especially in terms of education and entrepreneurial skills, as well as local government
policies and national policies on urban planning and order rural areas (Bintarto, 1984).
Formal economic activities in urban areas are no longer able to absorb workers with low
education and ability, so workers with low productivity work in the informal sector
(Lacabana and Cariola, 2003). Even many give birth to new unemployment, and their
livelihoods are also heterogeneous enough to survive in urban areas. Also, the existence of
slums with limited facilities and supporting infrastructure shows the presence of pockets of
poverty and unemployment (slum area) in urban areas. The stigmatisation of unemployment
affects many things (Ludwig-Mayerhofer, 1990; Schmillen and Miller, 2012, Backmann,
2005; Castles, 2008; Gallie and Paugman, 2000; Howell, 2009).
On a national scale, Indonesia has shown a substantial increase in economic and
social indicators over the past decade, accompanied by a gradual reduction in poverty in
urban and rural areas. Although this achievement is impressive, 13 percent of the population
still lives in poverty, and another 40 percent of households live slightly above the poverty
line and are vulnerable to falling into poverty. In cities, around 18 percent of the population
lives poor or near-poor, which represents around 20 million people. In line with increasing
urbanization, this number is likely to improve so that it will surpass rural poverty in 2020.
In 2017, South Sulawesi showed a high Gini ratio in some regions, so the situation
confirmed the high-income inequality between the poor and the middle class and above.
This is quite alarming because it can contribute to the poor performance of the region's
economy. Based on the regional rank ratio, Bantaeng Regency ranks first with the highest
inequality rate in South Sulawesi, followed by East Luwu Regency and North Toraja Regency
and Makassar City. The high number of Gini ratios in some of these areas indicates that the
level of welfare is only in the middle class and above. The economy tends to move less
inclusive and less accommodating the interests of the poor. The number of poor people is
creeping up from time to time. One of the causes of the high level of inequality and poverty
is the loss of productive land of rural farmers. Until finally, causing the poor farmers to
migrate out to find a new livelihood. The destination of the poor farmers in the urban area
in South Sulawesi, one of which is Makassar City.
In 2017, it seems that Makassar City ranks the fourth highest with a fairly high-
income inequality, among the 24 city districts in South Sulawesi. This was confirmed by the
2World Congress, IEA Indonesia 2020
area's Gini ratio that touched levels 0, 396. At the same time, the economy of Makassar City
grew most impressively in South Sulawesi. The city's economic growth was able to reach
7.99 percent in 2017, beating South Sulawesi which only reached 7, 78 percent, even
exceeding the national average which only perched at 5.19 percent. Makassar City's
contribution to South Sulawesi's economic growth was the highest among the 24 other city
districts in South Sulawesi, reaching 34.17 percent. Not only stopped there, but Makassar
City's share of the economic growth of the island of Sulawesi was also able to touch the
level of 16, 94 percent. Even at the KTI level, Makassar City is able to contribute 10, 26
percent. That is, the dominance of Makassar as an economic giant at the level of South
Sulawesi, Sulawesi island and Eastern Indonesia, is increasingly undeniable. But,
unfortunately, behind the impressive economic performance, this big city is threatened by
inequality and poverty which is so worrisome. The contradiction above also confirms that so
far the economy of Makassar City has not grown at a lower level so that the income of the
poor is getting worse, while the income level of the middle class and above is even higher.
In other words, the economy of Makassar City is experiencing artificial growth (BPS South
Sulawesi, 2018).
The city is quite alarming with the high level of income inequality in South Sulawesi,
Makassar City. As the provincial capital, Makassar seems to be a magnet for residents in
rural areas, from various districts to migrate into Makassar City. Incoming migration, an
inevitable phenomenon for Makassar City, the impact of the population of this city is
increasingly swelling from year to year. However, unfortunately, along with the influx of
residents from rural areas into Makassar City, it is not accompanied by an influx of people or
skilled labour, with limited levels of education and skills, they have to deal with Makassar
City residents who are classified as skilled labourers. The impact is that those who, on
average, have low ability, are unable to compete with the urban population so that income
inequality becomes sharper. This is evidenced by the achievement of the Gini ratio in this
city which is quite high at 0, 396. In other words, the contributing figures for income
inequality in this city are the rural poor who turn to urban areas.
One of the essential factors, which makes them leave the village because of the lack
of land assets owned for farming. Agricultural land tends to be controlled by the landlords in
the villages, so the final choice made is to leave the village in the hope of earning a slightly
better livelihood in urban areas. However, the opposite happened. Therefore, the root of the
problem of income inequality in Makassar City is the problem of poverty and the absence of
assets in rural areas. From the data set above, it can be concluded that economic growth
that occurred in several regions seems uneven, behind high economic growth it is not
3Andi Faisal Anwar1, Mustofa Umar2,Hasbiullah3
Tracing the Socio-Economic Livelihoods of Urban Poor …
accompanied by an increase in income of the lower class population or poor population, so
that economic growth is only enjoyed by the middle class and above, and has an impact on
income inequality and high Gini ratio.
Makassar City's poor population in the last three years, precisely from 2015 to 2017.
Where the poverty rate is, most of it contributed from migrants who come from rural areas.
In 2015 the poverty rate of Makassar City reached 63 thousand people (4, 38%) and
increased to 66 thousand people (4, 56%) in the following year and reached 68,000 people
(4, 59%) in 2017. The poor population of Makassar City lives with an average per capita
income that is so low, as the poverty line per capita income released by BPS Sulselyakni only
reaches 366 thousand rupiahs per month. When someone's income is 366 thousand rupiahs
per month or below this number, then it is categorized as a poor population. With an income
of 366 thousand rupiahs per month or around 12 thousand rupiahs per day, the livelihood of
the poor is really caused for concern. They must find food, support their families, send their
children to medical treatment at the hospital. Then, the next big question mark is how these
urban poor migrants survive, in the midst of such complex urban life.
LITERATURE REVIEW
Soetomo (2009) urbanization is a process of forming urban life that is different from
rural life, in the economic, social and mentality contexts of its people. This process of
urbanization is interesting to note because this theory is in a paradigm. Urbanization as a
process of modernization. And this modernization process is a process of changing society
that is not the same speed from time to time. Urbanization is characterized by the
movement of population migration from a small rural location to a large urban location, and
is also related to the level of urban population from a community to its total population.
Meeting the needs of life must be met. Until now migrants make economic motives as a
reason for someone to make a move. Gilbert & Gugler (1996) said the majority of the
population moved because of economic reasons. Dustmann (2007) adds not only economic
reasons but also those caused by natural disasters. Economic factors in question can be in
the form of employment status, wage levels, total income, homeownership, and ownership
of agricultural land. People tend to move to areas that promise a better life. Paul Knox
(2011) and Ravallion (2007) formulate that urbanization as a process driven by economic
change that drives and is driven by human factors, natural resources and technology
(artificial resources) and produces outputs of economic, social and physical conditions and
problems that become material that must be overcome in determining urban development
policy.
4World Congress, IEA Indonesia 2020
n Islam, urbanization as a natural reality in order to get a better life, as the event of
Hijrah experienced by the Prophet and his followers. This is legitimized in the Koran, in fact,
those who believe and emigrate and strive with their wealth and soul in the way of Allah and
those who provide a place of residence and help (to the pilgrims), they are one another
protect-protect. and (to) those who believe, but have not yet emigrated, then there is not
the slightest obligation on you to protect them before they emigrate. (However) if they ask
you for help in religious matters, then you are obliged to give help except for those who
have an Agreement between you and them. and Allah sees what you do. Qs. al-Anfal: 72 is
reaffirmed by Allah in verse 74 that those who emigrate, do jihad, or people accommodate
and help them, all are true believers (al-mu'minuna haqqan) who are entitled to forgiveness
from Allah.
Poverty is not only understood as an economic inability, but also a failure to fulfil
basic rights and differences in treatment for a person or group of people in living their life
with dignity. Basic rights that are generally recognized include meeting the needs for food,
health, employment, housing, clean water, land, natural resources, and the environment,
and a sense of security from the treatment or threat of violence. Poverty is one of the urban
problems that occur due to urbanization and is further compounded by urban fragmentation.
This is related to the increasing needs that arise as a consequence of the urbanization
process that occurs, such as the need to create jobs, the need to fulfil urban facilities in the
form of housing facilities, economic facilities, and supporting facilities (supporting facilities
and infrastructure).
Amartya Sen (1998) underlines that poverty occurs due to deprivation of
capability/capability deprivation (freedom to achieve something in one's life). In this case,
substantive community freedom is directly related to economic poverty. Poverty has made
people unable to avoid hunger, get enough nutrition, get medicine for the sick, and can not
enjoy clean water and sanitation facilities. This shows that the failure of empowering the
poor is caused by the behaviour of leaders or governments who do not carry out democratic
life in a substantive way.
Amartya Sen illustrates that the poverty that ensnares some Asian and African
countries is the result of negligence in countries that deny democracy in turning the wheels
of its economy. If you see the reality in Asian-African countries, there are still many who
practise democracy only to the extent of formal democracy reflected in general elections.
Substantial democracy that requires people's power and sovereignty in various lives is not
5Andi Faisal Anwar1, Mustofa Umar2,Hasbiullah3
Tracing the Socio-Economic Livelihoods of Urban Poor …
yet running optimally. In this case, if humans are able to optimize their potential, then their
contribution to welfare will be maximized as well. Thus, the prosperity of a nation is
achieved based on the strength of the people who are empowered and live it.
The cause of lasting poverty, powerlessness and underdevelopment is a matter of
accessibility. In this case, poverty is caused by limited access. If humans have limited
choices to develop their lives, as a result, humans only carry out what is forced to be done,
not what should be done. Thus, the human potential to develop life is hampered and its
contribution to shared prosperity becomes smaller. The accessibility referred to by Sen is the
facilitation of political freedom, economic opportunities, social opportunities (education,
health, etc.), transparency, and the existence of social safety nets.
Indonesia's urban poor have similar characteristics to other countries - they tend to
have low levels of education, work in the informal sector with low wages, live in low-quality
settlements, have less job security, and have lower access to basic services compared to
those who are not poor. Subgroups of the urban poor who are particularly vulnerable
include urban newcomers, child labour, street children, and those living in informal
settlements.
Naranjo (2012) Poverty is a major cause of hunger, neglect, marginalization and
other social ills, therefore poverty is still a top priority in development in Indonesia. The low
level of income results in a person being very entangled in the trap of poverty. However, the
research is quite different from what was found by Shepherd in Oluwatayo and Ojo (2016)
that poverty is not only seen from the aspect of low income, as the main cause of poverty
itself. In addition, macroeconomic policies and social norms tend to disadvantage the poor.
However, poverty arises as a result of the weak role of the poor in the political, economic,
and cultural decision making processes concerning their lives. The lack of accessibility
possessed by vulnerable populations, resulting in them being poor. Thus, the lack of
accessibility is the base of poverty itself.
Bryan, Chowdhury and Mobarak, (2014) found that poor households migrate as an
effort to equalize income, after an uncertain income shock. Low income of the poor,
encouraging poor households along with other family members to migrate to the city, to find
a better livelihood. In principle, poor households try to minimize the risk of poverty, to find
additional income better in urban areas, by carrying out-migration.
In Li's view (2009) states that the cause of poverty in rural areas is that after a worker
leaves his property, he is even getting poorer and worse off. Labour lost its production base,
6World Congress, IEA Indonesia 2020
and soon it was bounced into a predatory market. The loss of a peasant's production base in
the countryside forced the farmworkers to go to urban areas and become urban migrants.
Unfortunately, when they are in urban areas, many workers become unemployed and
increasingly booming when they are connected to the free market. With mediocre skills,
they are dealing with a complex urban situation. In the end, they mortgaged their bodies
and energy for the sake of wages. The land acquisition process supported by the World
Bank was considered capable of breaking the tangled threads of poverty and creating a new
labour market. WDR (World Development Report 2008: Agriculture for Development)
recommends that small farmers who are unable to produce high-value production should
leave the agricultural area, and enter the labour market to get a wage. The WDR report
recognizes new challenges after farmers give up agriculture. These challenges are in the
form of low wages of unskilled workers and dependence on the flexibility of labour market
demand. To anticipate these two things, the WDR recommends an increase in education and
skills, as well as the availability of information on employment.
METHODS
This study uses a qualitative approach with ethnographic design to understand the
socio-economic conditions of urban poor migrants. The qualitative approach is used to
obtain accurate data and information in connection with this writing, this departs from the
meaning of the qualitative research approach itself. According to Bogdan and Taylor
(Moleong; 2014) Qualitative approach is a research procedure that produces descriptive
data in the form of written or spoken words from people and observed behaviour. A
qualitative research approach is an attempt to present the social world and its perspectives
in the world, in terms of concepts, behaviors, perceptions, and the issue of humanity under
investigation.
The purpose of this research through a qualitative approach is to understand what is
experienced by the research subject, for example, behaviour, motivation, actions and
others. Holistically and in a descriptive way in the form of words and language in a natural
context and by utilizing various natural methods. To obtain an explanation of a phenomenon
as a whole (holistically), not as stand-alone parts, the research design is used ethnography.
Malinowski in James P. Spradley (2007) reveals that ethnography is capturing the native
perspective, relation to life, realizing its vision and world. The aim of ethnographic research
is to describe and build the socio-cultural structure of a society. The main concern of
ethnographic models is the present life, which is about the way of life of a community. Its
purpose is to describe and build the social and cultural structure of a society. For that
7Andi Faisal Anwar1, Mustofa Umar2,Hasbiullah3
Tracing the Socio-Economic Livelihoods of Urban Poor …
researchers are not enough to just do interviews, but they should be with informants while
observing. In this study, the economic ethnographic design used aims to obtain and analyze
data in depth and comprehensively, with the hope that it can be known how urban poor
migrants live below the poverty line and urban complexity, and how they try to escape
poverty and desire. their hopes for the government so they can live much better.
An informant is a person who can provide information about the situation and
conditions of the research background. The informants chosen were urban poor migrants in
Makassar City. This informant had a lot of experience about research to be studied and
could provide insights from the values, attitudes, processes and culture that formed the local
research background. The determination of informants is done by using non-random
sampling techniques.
DISCUSSION
Compared to South Sulawesi and National, Makassar City's economic growth is still
relatively higher. This shows that at the provincial and national levels, Makassar is one of
the regions with high economic growth rates. Makassar's slow down in growth certainly
affects the growth of South Sulawesi because it is more than 1 / 3 The economy of the
province is contributed by Makassar. When Makassar City experienced a slow down in
growth from 9.64 percent in 2012 to 8.55 percent in 2013 and 7.39 in 2014, South
Sulawesi's economic growth also slowed from 8.87 percent in 2012 to 7.62 percent and 7.64
percent in the year 2013 and 2014. The acceleration of Makassar's economic growth in the
next three years also affected the growth of South Sulawesi, except in 2017. Makassar's
growth from 7.46 percent to 7.99 percent in 2016 and reached 8.23 percent in 2017
followed by the growth of South Sulawesi from 7.19 percent, 7.42 percent respectively in
2015 and 2016. The growth of South Sulawesi declined in 2017 to 7.23 percent.
Although not the only region with a high value-added economy in Indonesia, but
Makassar's cumulative growth can affect national growth. Makassar's consistent decline in
growth from 2012-2014 was also followed by a slowdown in national growth from 6.16
percent in 2012, 5.56 percent in 2013, to 5.01 percent in 2014. The slowdown in the
national economy still occurred in 2015, only reaching 4, 88 percent. National growth has
increased again, in line with Makassar's growth in 2016 and 2017, from 5.03 percent to 5.07
percent. Behind the prestigious economic growth rate of Makassar City, leaving many
problems. One of them is unemployment. Makassar is an area that has the highest open
unemployment rate (TPT) in South Sulawesi. In the 2012-2017 period, the open
unemployment rate of Makassar City increased, as did the number of unemployed people. In
8World Congress, IEA Indonesia 2020
2013, Makassar City only had unemployment of 55,619 people, a decrease compared to
2012 which reached 56,951 people.
Figure 1
Comparative Economic Growth in Makassar, South Sulawesi and National,
2012-2017 (percent)
9,64
8,55 8,23
7,39 7.55 8.03
8,87
7,62 7,54 7,19 7,42 7,23
6,16 5,56 5,01 5,03 5,07
4,88
2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017*
Pertumbuhan Ekonomi Nasional Pertumbuhan Ekonomi Sul-Sel
Pertumbuhan Ekonomi Makassar
Source: Macro Socio Economic Indicator of South Sulawesi Quarter 1 2018
Decreasing unemployment, the open unemployment rate also decreased from 9.97
percent in 2012 to 9.53 percent in 2013. But, for two consecutive years, the unemployment
rate in Makassar City increased to 65,623 people and 71,306 people in 2014 and 2015, so
that it pushed TPT up to 10.90 percent and 12.02 percent. Although in 2017 the
unemployment rate fell to 64,954 people in TPT by only 10.59 percent, the number is still
relatively high compared to the previous five years.
The high number of unemployed people in Makassar City in recent years has caused
the number of labour force absorbed in employment to decrease. Recorded in the last six
years there were two-time points the highest number of labour force employed in 2012 and
2017, namely 541,050 workers and 548,368 workers. The number of working ages who
could work had decreased sharply in 2013 to 514,555 workers. Even though it increased by
527,765 workers in 2014 and 534,428 in 2015, this increase is still low compared to 2012,
especially when the number decreased in 2016 to 521,854 workers.
Makassar is still one of the regions in South Sulawesi that has the highest TPT after
Palopo City in 2017, because both cities have TPT above 10 percent. The high TPT Makassar
compared to other regions, is due to the relatively large workforce. Enrekang, Selayar,
Soppeng, and Lutim districts are the regions with the lowest TPT in South Sulawesi, the rate
is five times lower than Makassar. Enrekang TPT in 2017 was only 1.87 percent, followed by
Selayar 2.34 percent, Soppeng 2.71 percent, and Lutim 2.58 percent. These four regions
9Andi Faisal Anwar1, Mustofa Umar2,Hasbiullah3
Tracing the Socio-Economic Livelihoods of Urban Poor …
only have a workforce of 96,301 each, 57,203 people, 105,086 people, and 138,367 people,
while Makassar has a workforce reaching 613,322, the highest in South Sulawesi. That
figure is quite alarming from time to time, with the worsening of the decline in
unemployment.
Figure 2
Unemployment and Open Unemployment Rate in Makassar City,
2012-2017 (people/percent)
80.000 71.306 14,00
70.000 65.623 64.954
12,02 12,00
56.951 55.619 10,90 10,59
60.000
9,97 10,00
9,53
50.000
8,00
Orang
40.000
%
6,00
30.000
4,00
20.000
10.000 2,00
0 0,00
2012 2013 2014 2015 Agustus 2017
Pengangguran TPT Makassar (%)
Source: BPS, various publications.
In addition to the problem of unemployment, Makassar City is also confronted with
the problem of income inequality. The figure of this inequality can be seen from the existing
Gini ratio. The high Gini ratio of Makassar City places it in the top five regions with the
highest level of inequality in South Sulawesi in 2017. Five of these areas are Bantaeng, East
Luwu, North Toraja, Makassar, and Luwu Regency. Although the Makassar Gini index is
lower than South Sulawesi and slightly higher than the national level, the pattern of
Makassar's income distribution compared to other regions is relatively lame. In 2017 the Gini
index of South Sulawesi and national reached 0.407 and 0.393, while Bantaeng, East Luwu,
North Toraja, Makassar, and Luwu Regency each had Gini coefficients of 0.422, 0.411,
0.411, 0.396 and 0.395.
Based on 2013 agricultural census data, the districts of Pinrang, Tana Toraja,
Bulukumba, Selayar and Sidrap are areas with a high number of small farmers (landowners
under 0.5 hectares). Small-scale farmers find it difficult to improve their welfare because the
scale of their farming business is not economical or illustrates a pattern of decreasing return
to scale (adding one input actually decreases income more than one). Small farmers tend to
spend more on managing the agricultural business than the returns obtained from sales
commodity, moreover, the commodity is rice/rice or corn (the price is very cheap).
10World Congress, IEA Indonesia 2020
Figure 3
Comparison of Makassar City TPT with Regency / City
in South Sulawesi, 2017 (dalam %)
10,96
10,59
6,857,05
6,14 6,47
5,60 5,60
5,23 4,93
4,53 4,55 4,78
4,41 4,24
3,73
3,31 3,063,17 3,31
2,71 2,58
2,34
1,87
Source: Macro Socio-Economic Indicator of South Sulawesi Quarter 1 2018
Figure 4
Makassar City Gini Ratio, 2015-2017
0,397
0,396
0,395
2015 2016 2017
Source: BPS South Sulawesi, 2018.
Of the five regions that have the lowest inequality, Pinrang, Tana Toraja, Bulukumba
are the three regions that have the most number of small farmers. The size of small farmers
in these three regions is the comparison data for the low Gini index. The 2013 census
showed that the three regions each had 11,587 smallholder households, 27,280 households,
and 19,916 households. In addition to a large number of smallholder households, the
existence of farm labourers in rural areas is also a variable in analyzing the level of income
inequality. In March 2018, the real wage of farm labourers was only Rp. 37,602 per HOK. If
a month is employed for 20 days, the total wage they receive per month is only Rp.
11Andi Faisal Anwar1, Mustofa Umar2,Hasbiullah3
Tracing the Socio-Economic Livelihoods of Urban Poor …
752,040. Most of the informants are migrants in Makassar City because the population of
Makassar City is generally dominated by migrants, thus positioning the city as a transit city.
The informants interviewed also seemed to be quite diverse in terms of origin. Both
originating from Sulawesi and outside Sulawesi. However, the informants moved to
Makassar City because livelihoods in the area of origin were really inadequate, so they chose
to move to Makassar City. From the work side, it seems that the work of the migrants is
quite varied. However, most of the work is still classified as a freelance worker, for example,
pedicab driver, garbage collector, port transport worker and siomay handyman. The
informants generally work odd jobs, because their skills and education are also limited. As a
result, there are not many job choices that they can do. The choice of work they can do,
relies more on physical alone, with low-income consequences.
Makassar as the Target of Rural Poor Migration.
The choice of Makassar City as a migration destination for the rural poor seems to
have different backgrounds and characteristics. This is evident from the searches carried out
on existing key informants. The reason given for choosing the city as a place to find new
livelihoods, after they lost and left their land in the village, is quite varied. For example, an
interview with Dg. Sampara in one of the main landfills in the area around Tamalate Sub-
District, Makassar City. At that time the informant tried to explain the history of where he
started living and working. When he was born in Lanjo Boko Village, Parangloe District,
Gowa Regency. He lives with his parents and works as a farmer. However, as he grew up,
the land was gone so he was no longer able to help his parents. He sold the land because of
the economic pressure of his family which was getting more difficult day by day. In fact, the
livelihood of his family, all rested as farmers in the village. Farmers truly become the socio-
economic livelihood of their families. Farming is not only seen as a way to survive. More
than that, farming is social life which is the cultural identity of the surrounding community.
Until finally, when he reached adulthood, he tried his luck in Makassar.
Another reason for choosing Makassar as a destination is because they want to be
close to their parents and family in the village. Makassar is considered the most hopeful
place for him, to seek new livelihoods after the loss of his agricultural land. Working in a
metropolitan city is not easy for him because he has no skill that is so capable other than
farming. Until finally he had to choose to work as a construction worker. He worked for it
from 1990 to 2013. About thirteen years, the work he did and was able to feed his family
life. Although not much, at least it is able to make a living for him. Entering 2014, he tried
12World Congress, IEA Indonesia 2020
his luck at working as a janitor, who carries a garbage cart every day. From morning to
evening, he picked up the trash in the hallways and overhanging the road.
“Saya meninggalkan kampung halaman sejak tahun 1990. Kerja bangunan ja, pas
sampai di Makassar. Kerja kuli bangunan, bantu-bantu tukang.Tidak ada mi lagi
tanah yang bisa dikerja di kampong. Ku pilih merantau ke Makassar karena dekat
sama orang tua, dekat ji juga pulang ke kampong. Tapi, pekerjaan begini tidak boleh
jauh-jauh karena tidak ada yang ambil sampahnya warga. Bisa-bisa membusuk, kalo
endak diambil”
(Interview with Dg. Sampara)
But unlike Hendrik who chose to migrate into Makassar City, who tried to find new
experiences working in this city. Initially, he farmed in the village. One hectare of land
inherited from his father, he tried to plant it with corn. But, the results were very inadequate
for him. Finally, he handed over the land temporarily to his sister to work on. On the other
hand, after he married his wife wanted to study in the city of Makassar. Finally, they
departed together to this city for a temporary stay, with a different mission. Day-to-day,
Hendrik works like a port transporter in a warehouse. The work he chooses is very physical
because there isn't much work he can do besides farming. He did not have time off, because
the mobility of the goods in his place was quite high. The wages he receives every day are
collected for day-to-day needs and to finance his wife's college. Hendrik is willing to sacrifice
his time, for the sake of delivering his wife to become a scholar.
“Saya merantau ke Makassar karena mau cari pengalaman.Di kampung ada tanah
warisan 1 hektar, ditanami jagung.Tapi, hasilnya kurang.Terus istri, mau
kuliah.Makanya, saya ke Makassar.Pendidikan di Kupang kurang bagus, sedangkan
Makassar lebih bagus.Intinya, suami kerja untuk istri kuliah.Kalo istri selesai kuliah,
dia mau pulang kampung.Saya berhenti jadi buruh, sisa pulang kampung”.
(Interview with Hendrik)
Not much different from Peter, who also worked as a freight labourer. They both
have the same background, why he chose Makassar as a berth. They both left Kupang to
work in Makassar, hoping to send their wives to school. But Peter's condition was far more
alarming than Hendrik's, because Peter really did not have land to work on in the village.
Thanks to information from his uncle, he left for Makassar as a labourer, he considered the
work of labourers to be far more promising than having to stay in the village. He was
determined to work hard to help finish his wife's college, with the aspiration that one day his
wife could work.
“Tidak ada lagi tanah di kampung, terus saya ini yatim piatu.Lalu ada juga om disini.
Jadi, makanya saya merantau ke Makassar.Istri juga mau kuliah.Jadi, sambil tunggu
istri selesai kuliah, saya kerja jadi buruh angkut”.
(Interview with Petrus)
13Andi Faisal Anwar1, Mustofa Umar2,Hasbiullah3
Tracing the Socio-Economic Livelihoods of Urban Poor …
In line with the experience of Mr. Hendrik and Mr. Petrus. Pak Suparjo came from
Sragen Regency to Makassar, who worked as a dumplings seller. He had settled for 34 years
in this city. Initially, he farmed in Sragen Regency, his total land area was only 25 acres. He
moved to this city because farming work could not provide a better livelihood. When he
arrived in Makassar, he worked selling food. From selling meatballs, dumplings to selling
dumplings. The job selling dumplings was chosen because it requires far less energy.
“Saya pindah ke Makassar sejak tahun 1985.Sudah 34 tahun di Makassar.Dulu
disana, saya bertani.Tanam ubi dan padi. Tanahku juga tidak luas, cuman 25 Are.
Sekarang tanah itu, digarap sama adek. Tapi, hasilnya kurang. Hidup di Sragen,
susah. Makanya saya merantau kesini.Pertama kali sampai disini, saya jual
bakso.Setelah itu pindah pekerjaan jadi penjual mie pangsit.Kalo jual pangsit, butuh
banyak tenaga.Sedangkan saya sudah tua.Makanya, sekarang saya jual siomay
saja”.
(Interview with Pak Suparjo)
This was then synthesized by information delivered by Edi who worked as a
motorized pedicab driver, affirming that he had moved to Makassar because their farming
lands were gone. Until finally he had to be faced with two very difficult choices. Living
without working in the village or go to Makassar to work as a pedicab driver, living a
mediocre life. Finally, he and his family chose to go to Makassar and try to work as a
pedicab driver. Choosing to go to Makassar is based on his family who had already been in
Makassar City. At least, with all the limitations he can be helped by his family when he
arrives in Makassar. Armed with an education that only reached the second grade of
elementary school, he tried his luck in this big city. His skills are also very limited. There are
no special skills possessed other than, rely solely on physical and working odd jobs.
He really wanted to be a migrant worker in Malaysia, even though it was illegal.
Working in a palm oil company is considered to provide a much better livelihood, with the
expectation that the salary received is far greater. With that belief, he once went to
Kalimantan, brokered by a TKI broker he was exploited in a palm oil company. Employed at
low wages, with a promise to depart to Malaysia. His hope never faded, he waited for
almost ten years. As a result, he was actually fooled by the broker. Until finally he had to go
back to Makassar to pull a motorcycle rickshaw.
“Saya pindah ke Makassar sejak kecil, ketika kelas dua SD dan berhenti bekerja
mengembala sapi dan membantu orang tua di kebun karena tanah kami telah dijual
untuk keperluan orang tua.Saudara-saudara ku yang juga dari Jeneponto semuanya
akhirnya merantau ke Makassar.Saya memilih datang ke Makassar karena semua
keluargaku hampir semua pindah ke Makassar, untuk mencari pekerjaan.Waktu ku
kecil, awalnya saya bawa becak di Makassar. Nanti bekangan pi baru ka bawa
14World Congress, IEA Indonesia 2020
bentor. Sebenarnya mau sekali ka jadi TKI di perusahaan Malaysia, tapi tidak KTP
sama paspor ku. Jadi dulu, sebelum ka bawa bentor, pi ka dulu Kalimantan kerja
hampir 10 tahun disana. Tapi, pulang ka dari sana karena toke na selalu ja na janji
dibawa ke Malaysia, tapi tidak pernah kejadian bela. Makanya, kembali ma ke
Makassar”.
(Interview with Dg. Edi)
Likewise with Mrs. Dg. Sugi, a woman who works as a plastic scavenger every day.
Historically, she came from Tamaona Village, Kindang Subdistrict, Bulukumba Regency. She
was a big neighbourhood in the village. However, from time to time the land he occupies in
farming is no longer available. She finally chose to go to Makassar City, following her
husband who was assigned to this city as a soldier. He tried his luck in this city and hung his
hopes on her husband, even though he was willing to become the fourth Siri's wife. Initially,
she was just a housewife and did not have a job other than caring for children at home.
Until one day, her husband died. She really had to work alone. Want to go back to the
village, but there is land that can be cultivated. Consequently, we must fight to find a better
livelihood in this city.
“Lahan sudah habis mi di kampung. Jadi saya memilih ikut sama suami di Makassar.
Tapi, sya istri ke empat ja, ka suamiku banyak istrinya. Suamiku tentara dulu di
Makassar, makanya ikut ka.Sampai-sampai anakku lahir disini semua.Tapi setelah
meninggal suamiku, disini terus ma menetap.Mau pulang ke kampung, tidak bisa mi
juga karena tanah dikampung, endak ada mi”.
(Interview with Dg. Sugi)
Similar to Dg. Bolla, who made his choice in Makassar City, seemed to be motivated
by his desire to improve his livelihood. The availability of land for him required him to go to
the city to work. And that's just to help his family. Not just stop there, 10 years Dg. Bolla
spent her time in rural Toli-Toli, Central Sulawesi to work as a coconut planting labourer in a
company. Even with a mediocre income, he tried to stay working at the company. When
friends can no longer stand working in that place, he chose to stay. However, gradually it
did not make him feel at home with low wages. While working as a labourer in that place,
he also did not think of buying land assets because his income as a labourer was also
insufficient. Finally, he chose to leave his workplace. And finally settled in Makassar until
now. The work of the becak driver was chosen, to fulfil his daily needs. His farming skills
cannot be used in this city. Forced, he had to pedal from the hallway to the hallway.
“Saya ke Makassar karena ikut ja sama nenek ku dulu. Saya kampung ku di
Maros.Dulu waktu tinggal di kampung, selalu ka bantu-bantu keluarga di sawah.Saya
endak ada tanah ku. Jadi kubantu-bantu ji saja om ku dulu. Pas di Makassar ma,
diajak ka lagi keluarga kerja di Toli-Toli.Hampirka 10 tahun disana kerja, jadi buruh
tanam kelapa.Dipecat semua ki temanku.Saya mami bertahan.Endak lama setelah itu
kutinggalkan mi juga Toli-Toli.Waktu itu, belum paki terpikir mau beli tanah
15Andi Faisal Anwar1, Mustofa Umar2,Hasbiullah3
Tracing the Socio-Economic Livelihoods of Urban Poor …
juga.Akhirnya, kembali ma ke Makassar lagi dan kerja jadi tukang becak, sampai
sekarang”.
(Interview with Dg. Bolla)
The assumption of moving to Makassar as a solution to get a better job and income
than in the area of origin. This phenomenon confirms Becker (1999) which says that the
reason people migrate to cities is because of better-expected income than in rural areas.
The phenomenon of migration is a form of response from the community because of the
expectation of increasing their welfare. In other words, rural-urban migration will continue
as long as the rural-urban development gap occurs.
Urbanization is a process that influences the development of cities in developing
countries. Urbanization that occurs is caused by the increasing number of urban population
which is not only caused by natural population growth but also migration, namely the
migration of villagers to cities in the hope of getting a better life. Urbanization causes the
city to experience growth and growth because it has to meet the needs of its growing
population. In addition, the process of development that occurs also affects economic and
social changes. Economic changes that occur include shifting employment from the
agricultural sector to the non-agricultural sector, such as trade and industry. The shift in the
employment sector causes an increase in the economic productivity of a city which will
ultimately increase the development and activities of the city. While social changes that
occur in the process of urbanization are shown by a change in mindset and lifestyle of its
population (Mc Gee, 1995)
The Urban Poor Migrant Urban Survival Strategy and Efforts to Escape
From Poverty, in the Middle of a Very Complex Urban Life.
Highlighting the survival strategies of urban poor migrants, as well as efforts to
escape poverty, in the midst of such a complex urban life. Various ways are used by these
poor migrants to survive. For example, Dg. Sampara. To survive in the city of Makassar, it is
indeed not easy for him because of the complex needs of family life. His income is
considered to be very lacking, so he must go into debt every month. The term dig hole
closes the hole, has become a daily life of this father. The methods that he uses to survive
in the city of Makassar. Although on certain days he sometimes receives donations from
motorists and residents he occupies to pick up trash.
“Kerja sebagai petugas kebersihan, gajiku cuma dua juta ji saja.Biasanya dibayar
setiap tanggal 25.Sebenarnya, itu tidak cukup ki karena banyak sekali kebutuhan
sehari-hari.Biasanya, saya pinjam ji juga di warung kalo mau beli kebutuhan dapur
karena ada ji di tunggu tiap bulannya. Kadang juga ada yang kasihan sama saya dan
dia singgah kasi uang ke saya di pinggir jalan”
(Interview with Dg. Sampara)
16World Congress, IEA Indonesia 2020
Not much different from Pak Edi. Pak Edi's survival strategy is really struggling. Its
income is not worth the expenses. Even then, he had to live with his uncle in Bolangi, Gowa
Regency. Average income is only 50 thousand rupiahs per day, while spending exceeds the
amount of income. Even in a day can be minus as much as 20 thousand rupiahs per day.
Distance from home to where he works is quite far, around 26 kilometres. Every day, he
needs approximately 1 litre of gasoline to pull his motorcycle rickshaw. When he wants to go
to work in the morning, he has to buy yellow rice for 10 thousand. When entering
lunchtime, often he can not afford to buy food. As a booster stomach, he only bought one
meatball skewer for 3 thousand rupiahs. Every afternoon, around half-past five he rushes
home and hopes his dinner, can be overcome at his uncle's house.
That said, he still depends on his uncle who is far away there. With a mediocre
income and having to live in a family home, it becomes a survival strategy for Pak Edi. Not
to mention, his income continues to be eroded due to prey by stretching online
transportation in Makassar City. In the past, he was able to attract many passengers from
hallway to hallway. However, at present, the income has drastically decreased after the
presence of online transportation. Passengers are only busy when the fasting month arrives,
considering that many mothers love to shop at the market. During the day, when there were
quite passengers, he just sat on his pedicab while smoking while waiting for a call.
Occasionally he fell asleep. The routine becomes a daily portrait of Pak Edi.
Table 1
Informant's Income and Expenditures With. Edi
Income (Ruphias) Spending (Ruphias)
Nasi kuning : Rp.10.000
Fuel : Rp.15.000
Total : Rp.50.000 Noodle : Rp. 3.000
Cigarettes : Rp.17.000
Mandatory Deposit :Rp.25.000
Total :Rp.70.000,-
Source: Primary data processed, 2019.
“Susah hidup di Makassar. Dulu pemasukan na bentor bagus ji, tapi sekarang kurang
sekali mi karena ada mi gojek sama grab. Nanti bulan puasa pi baru banyak
penumpang. Kalo begini, kurang sekali.Berapa ji dapa’ satu hari. Paling ta 50 ribu ji
atau paling baek 100 ribu. Tarolah 50 ribu di dapa’.Mana lagi pajak bentor 25 ribu,
lalu beli bensin 15 ribu.Makan pagi beli nasi kuning 10 ribu.Kalo siang, kadang tidak
makan, bakso tusuk ji dibeli 3 ribu. Malam pi nanti makan dirumah. Itu pun tinggal di
rumah na ji om. Jauh sekali di Boolangi, Gowa.Tiap hari bolak-balik naik bentor
kesana kodong. Jadi sebenar na mines jaki ini. Tapi, mau mi diapa, dari pada tidak
kerjaki”.
(Interview with Dg. Edi)
17Andi Faisal Anwar1, Mustofa Umar2,Hasbiullah3
Tracing the Socio-Economic Livelihoods of Urban Poor …
Survival strategies Dg. Sugi, it also seems to be far more concerning. She did not get
any inheritance from her husband and had to move around. At present, he is trying to build
a hut on government land, which is used daily as a landfill in the vicinity of Tamalate
District. The tin roof that was dumped by the residents in the trash can. He tried to collect
it, until finally it was built into a hut. In the village, he did not land. Likewise in the city.
Have nothing. Sadly, he had to support his grandchildren. While he has no qualified skills to
find work. As a result, the work of plastic scavengers became his final choice. Even though
he is considered a slum, he is helpless at all looking for alternative work. His yard, filled with
rubbish. When plastic waste is considered a source of problems, plastic waste is a blessing
for him.
“Itu ji sampah plastik ku kumpul setiap hari. Kalo datang mi sampah, kucari mi
plastik na lalu kukumpul. Nanti 1 bulan pi baru ku jual. Kadang dapa’ 700-800 ribu ji
ta satu bulan ka harga nya ta 2.000 satu kilo”.Itu mi ku pake kasi making, cucuku.
Mamakna pi Malaysia jadi TKI. Na sekarang ini, sakit I kodong ini yang paling
kecil.Ka ada 3 cucu ku sini. Yang kelas 2 SD sama yang kelas 5 SD sering ji, na
bantu ka cari plastik. Kadang juga warga yang lewat, kasi ki uang.Itu mi juga kodong
biasa ku bagikang I ke cucuku kasian”.
(Interview with Dg. Sugi)
Dg Sugi lives on plastic rubbish that she collects every day. When garbage carts and
garbage cars arrive, then Dg.Sugi quickly approaches him. Scavenging one by one the
plastic waste is available. From day to day, the garbage is collected until finally, the garbage
accumulates in a month. Usually, the average garbage collected reaches 400 kilograms per
month. Meanwhile, the selling price of rubbish is only 2 thousand rupiahs per kilogram. One
child has become an illegal migrant worker in Malaysia and entrusts her child to her mother
until finally, her mother takes care of her children. Sugi tries to be a good grandmother. She
treats 3 grandchildren alone. The smallest grandson, sickly. Considering he lives on a roll of
urban trash. Of course, his grandchild is prone to various kinds of illnesses. While his
grandchildren who are in grade 2 and grade 5 in elementary school are supporting him to
help collect plastic waste. Because, after returning from school they both had to help his
grandmother, to find side dishes buyers tomorrow. In addition, the grandmother often
hopes for the kindness of road users who approach her, to give alms to her. Not
infrequently Dg.Sugi, visited by people who are kind enough to give him a little alms. He
was very grateful, with alms. At least, the money he gets can be distributed to his
grandchildren who go to school.
The way to survive that is taken by Dg. Bolla, so sad. The survival strategy of the
urban poor, such as Dg.Bolla, is truly tearing apart amidst the difficulties of urban
livelihoods. He lives below a decent standard of living. Every day, he eats potluck. In fact,
18World Congress, IEA Indonesia 2020
when it is empty, the passenger does not eat and only jams his stomach, with hot tea in the
morning, then rushes out pedalling his pedicab. From morning until noon, sometimes he
only gets one passenger and is paid 10,000 rupiah. When there are no passengers, we can
be sure there is no breakfast and lunch for Dg.Bolla. With limited money, sometimes he
must fast until evening. Or he only buys instant noodles for 3 thousand rupiahs, to fight his
hunger. So, sometimes a day Dg. Bolla only eats one meal. The rest depends on the
windfall.
Regarding his place of residence, he has no home at all. From the beginning until
now, he continued his life from rented house to another contracted house. Within a month,
boarding fees that must be incurred are 250 thousand rupiahs. Actually, he has 2 children
who are married. However, unfortunately, his daughter who never gave him anything. A
little better, with his son who worked as a migrant worker in a palm oil company in
Malaysia. He was once sent money of 500 thousand rupiahs, for the help of his boarding
father who urged his son to send his father's money, because his father lives alone with
conditions that are quite alarming. However, after that, the next money transfer never came
again. It's a pity. With a situation like that, he finally left by his wife, with economic reasons
that are so difficult.
“Dari pagi keluar memang ma, sampai jam 9 malam.Baru tiap hari itu. Tapi, susah
sekali ini. Kadang ta 1 ji penumpang di dapa’ sampe siang. Dia bayar ta 10 ribu ji.
Itu kalo pagi minum kopi ji saja, harganya 3 ribu .Siang juga begitu, minum kopi
ji.Kalo dapa’ki penumpang, singgah ma makan, 13 ribu harganya.Kalo endak cukup
uang, beli indomie ji saja 3 ribu harganya. Jadi dalam 1 hari, ta 1 kali ja makan. Kalo
pulang ke kost, paling minum teh ji. Endak ada juga rumah ku, baik di Maros sama
di Makassar. Jadi ma kost ja saja. Ta 250 ribu kubayar 1 bulan.Ada 2 anakku, yang
perempuan sudah mi menikah. Tapi endak pernah ka na kasi uang. Terus anakku
yang laki-laki kerja di Malaysia jadi TKI, selama kerja disana baru ka 1 kali na kasi
uang, 500 ribu. Itupun yang punya kost ji telpon ki, supaya na kasi ka uang. Terus
istri ku, sudah ma cerai karena alasan ekonomi. Na tinggal ka, baru sudah mi juga
dia menikah”.
(Interview with Dg. Bolla)
“Di Makassar, hidup pas-pasan. Endak punya rumah.Sampe sekarang cuman,
ngontrak rumah saja.Itu pun biaya kontraknya, saya pinjam di bank, dengan jaminan
BPKB motor.Belum lagi, harus biayai anak sekolah. 1 kelas 4 SD, ada juga kelas 1
SMP sama 1 orang kelas 1 SMA. Sementara, pendapatan juga tidak menentu.Kadang
kalo mujur bisa dapat 100-200 ribu satu hari.Tapi, rata-rata cuma dapat 100 ribu
saja.Ini tidak cukup.Makanya, ibu kerja jualan jamu untuk bantu-bantu”.
(Interview with Pak Suparjo)
Pak Suparjo's livelihood in Makassar City is apparently not much better. After settling
34 years, until now he does not have a house to live. However, it can only live in a rented
house. That was the rented fee of Mr. Suparjo, obtained from a loan from the bank. He
collected his daily income to pay rent for the house. Including to finance the schooling of
19Andi Faisal Anwar1, Mustofa Umar2,Hasbiullah3
Tracing the Socio-Economic Livelihoods of Urban Poor …
children who are in school at the 4th-grade level, first grade at junior high school and one
more person at grade 1 high school. With an average income of 100,000 rupiahs per day, it
seems that he is unable to make ends meet. The condition is forcing his wife, also must
work to help to support their children.
Limited conditions are also experienced by Hendrik who works as a transport worker.
The life of the transport worker is essentially insufficient to meet the needs of the family,
even though it is still quite mediocre. Within a month, he was able to get 3.5 million rupiahs.
Within a day he earns 150-250 thousand rupiahs from morning tonight. Depending on the
number of items loaded. The wage of a transport worker varies, the greater the truck
coming in to load his goods, the greater the salary he receives. Wage transport for small
truck cars wages reaches 300 thousand. For medium category trucks, the wages are 500
thousand rupiahs, then the biggest is 600 thousand rupiahs.
However, the wages must be divided into three. Because in 1 transport truck
requires a minimum of 3 workers. Strategy to minimize expenses, then Hendrik and his wife
cook at their rented place, so as not to buy more food outside. Eat breakfast and dinner,
everything must be at home. Except for lunch, he had to buy it to be more efficient.
Occasionally he also bought cigarettes for 15 thousand rupiah.
“Setiap pagi sampai malam, ke gudang jadi buruh angkut. Bersihnya 1 bulan dapat
3,5 juta. Gajinya per hari 150-250 ribu.Tidak menentu juga.Biasanya 1 mobil
diborong 3 orang buruh.Kalo dapat mobil truk kecil upahnya 300 ribu dibagi tiga.Kalo
mobil truk sedang upahnya 500 ribu, lalu yang paling besar 600 ribu.
Pengeluarannya, kalo pagi dan malam masak sendiri, sisa beli lauk 5 ribu, kalo
makan siang bayar 15.000, terus beli rokok 15 ribu”.
(Interview with Hendrik)
Similar to Hendrik. Peter's earnings, really mediocre. He even said that nothing could
be saved. The income he earned was used for the day-to-day needs and the tuition fees of
his wife and children. SPP costs incurred per semester reached 900 thousand rupiahs, not
including living costs which incidentally costs are much larger. In principle, life is work for
food. If it does not work, then it does not eat.
It is different from the situation, it is accommodated. Even though it does not work,
there are occasional families who can help. However, overseas the situation is much more
difficult. He has to work from morning to night, from Monday to Sunday. In other words, he
did not have time to vacation like other people in general.
“Saya harus bayarkan SPP istri setiap semester 900 ribu rupiah.Istri tidak kerja, jadi
dia kuliah sabtu minggu dan hanya jaga anak.Kalo untuk saat ini, pendapatan masih
pas-pasan.Belum ada yang bisa ditabung.Satu-satunya jalan, yaa kita harus
20World Congress, IEA Indonesia 2020
kerja.Kalo lama mobilnya baru memuat, yaa lama juga selesai.Kadang sampai
malam”.
(Interview with Petrus)
The above phenomenon shows that, despite the trend of poverty analysis, it shows
that vulnerability to unusual changes or shocks continues for many people, even during
periods of economic growth, with substantial movements in and out of poverty. This was
underlined by the responses in the interview, which referred to the problem of losing
sources of income or having an unstable job, as well as a general lack of employment. More
generally, qualitative data clearly shows that there is a temporary income shortage to meet
basic needs for many urban poor people.
Desire and Hope of Urban Poor Migrants to the Government.
There are many hopes and desires of these poor migrants to the Makassar City
government. Regarding Dg.Sampara's expectations, he wants one day for his child to
receive a scholarship so that he can at least reduce the burden of his life on his child who is
attending high school.
“Harapanku saya kedepannya, bagaimana caranya supaya anakku dapat beasiswa
supaya bisa kin a kurangi bebanku dan lebih bagus kin anti kehidupannya dari saya”
(Interview with Dg. Sampara)
Meanwhile, Pak Edi hoped to the government that the assistance provided would no
longer be rice. But, he wants the help of a mechanic's training, so he can get a better job so
his livelihood can be much better. So far, the only aid available is rice, which is quickly used
up. For him, soft skill assistance in the form of a mechanic's skill is considered to be more
long-term so that he can get a job with better income.
“Nanti mudah-mudahan pemerintah na bantu jaki.Tapi, jarang sekali kubawa pulang
ke rumah.Besok-besok kalo ada bantuang, lebih baik na kasi kursus ma bengkel ka,
daripada na kasi ka beras ka klo itu langsung habis ji”.
(Interview with Dg. Edi)
Another case with Dg. Sugi. In the future Dg. Sugi has hopes that her grandchildren
will receive school scholarship assistance so that at least the burden will decrease. In
addition, he hopes the government can provide assistance so that its income is much better
so that its erratic income can be handled by fulfilling primary needs, to buy daily food.
“Itu ji mudah-mudahan ada bantuan ini untuk cucuku yang sekolah sama naik ini
pemasukan, ka 800 ribu ji kodong 1 bulan diatur baek-baek supaya cukup ki, untuk
makan sehari-hari sama anak sekolah”.
(Interview with Dg. Sugi)
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