IWI LED CRIME PREVENTION PLAN - September 2011 - Te Runanga O Ngati Whatua

Te Runanga O Ngati Whatua

 IWI LED
CRIME PREVENTION
 PLAN

 September 2011
 Iwi Led Crime Prevention Plan –September 2011 0

Disclaimer

The statements and opinions expressed in this report have been made in good faith, and on the basis
that all information relied upon is true and accurate in all material respects and not misleading by
reason of omission or otherwise. The authors do not accept any responsibility or liability for any such
information being inaccurate, incomplete, unreliable or not soundly based, or for any errors, any
analysis, statements and opinions provided in this report, whether resulting directly or indirectly from
any such circumstances, or from any assumptions upon which this report is based proving unjustified,
or otherwise.

 Te Runanga O Ngati Whatua

 Iwi Led Crime Prevention Plan –September 2011 1

SECTION CONTENTS PAGE
 SECTION 1 Executive Summary 4
 1.1 Introduction 4
 1.2 Structure of the Plan 4
 1.3 Key Highlights 5
 1.4 Conclusion 6
 SECTION 2 What Does the Data Tell Us? 8
 2.1 Introduction 8
 2.2 Auckland Region Socio-Economic Deprivation 9
 2.3 Police Data By Iwi 12
 2.4 Ngapuhi 14
 2.5 Waikato Tainui 15
 2.6 Ngati Porou 16
 2.7 Tuhoe 17
 2.8 Unknown Iwi Affiliation 18
 SECTION 3 Crime Profiles 19
 3.1 Introduction 19
 3.2 Target Population Offender Profiles 19
 3.3 Systemic Causal Effects of Maori Offending 20
 3.4 Targeted Youth Activities 22
 SECTION 4 Applying an Existing Strategic Context 23
 4.1 Introduction 23
 4.2 Dynamics of Whanaungatanga 23
 4.3 Whanau Ora Spectrum 24
 4.4 Mauri Ora Framework 25
 SECTION 5 Developing a Strategic Perspective to Iwi Led Crime Prevention 27
 5.1 Introduction 27
 5.2 A Tikanga Based Approach to Crime Prevention 27
 5.3 An Education Based Approach to Crime Prevention 30
 5.4 A Restorative Justice Approach to Crime Prevention 31
 SECTION 6 ILCPP Strategic Outcomes Framework 34
 6.1 Introduction 34
 6.2 ILCPP as a Comprehensive Community Initiative 35
 6.3 Summary Table of Strategic Interventions 35
 6.4 ILCPP Strategic Outcomes Framework Diagram 36

 Iwi Led Crime Prevention Plan –September 2011 2

SECTION CONTENTS PAGE
 SECTION 7 Iwi Leadership of Crime Prevention 37
 7.1 Introduction 37
 7.2 What is Iwi? 38
 7.3 Iwi Led Relationships 39
 7.4 Waka Framework 40
 7.5 Non-Mana-Whenua Interests 42
 7.6 Urban Maori Authorities 43
 SECTION 8 Structural Implementation of the ILCPP 45
 8.1 Introduction 45
 8.2 Governance of the ILCPP 45
 8.3 Crime Prevention Stakeholder Participation 46
 8.4 Management and Operational Level 46
 8.5 ILCPP Implementation Structural Diagram 47
 SECTION 9 Operationalising the ILCPP Strategic Outcomes Framework 48
 9.1 Introduction 48
 9.2 Developing Best Practice 48
 9.3 Forging Relationships 49
 9.4 Social Change Marketing 49
 9.5 Stakeholder Participation – What can Police Do? 50
 9.6 Tu Tika Matrix – Describing Delivery Level Interventions 52
SECTION 10 Next Steps for Implementation 54
 10.1 Introduction 54
 10.2 Implementation Plan 54
 10.3 Resourcing 55
 10.4 Reporting 55
 10.5 Budget 56
SECTION 11 References 57
 11.1 Glossary 57
 11.2 Bibliography 58
 11.3 Appendix 1 – Waka Level Guiding Principles Framework 59
 11.4 Appendix 2 - Maori Social Order Definitions 60

 Iwi Led Crime Prevention Plan –September 2011 3

SECTION 1 - EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

1.1 Introduction
Crime statistics for Māori offending continue to spiral at a rate higher than that of other ethnic
groups. Māori are disproportionately represented in criminal justice statistics to an alarming
degree.1 Auckland has a population approaching 1.4 million residents, 31 per cent of the
country's population, with more than 11% (>137,000) identifying as Māori, equating to 22% of
the Maori population nationally in 2006 2. While Māori make up just 14% of the total national
population, they feature disproportionately in criminal justice statistics, as 42% of all Police
apprehensions, and 50% of the prison population.3

While there are many reasons for the disparity in offending, nothing can remove the fact that
the commission of crimes is the norm for many Māori whānau and communities in Auckland
and elsewhere. Though statistics may mask the real insidious impact of criminal behaviour
committed by Māori, our homes, whānau and communities know the reality.

This Iwi Led Crime Prevention Plan (ILCPP) has been prepared through the concerted collective
effort of Te Runanga O Ngāti Whātua, Auckland Police and Te Puni Kokiri. The key premise of
the ILCPP is the hypothesis that a reconnection to traditional Māori values and social structures
is at the heart of reducing Māori participation in crime. This underpins the core requirement
for Iwi leadership of this plan.

1.2 Structure Of The Plan
Section 2 of this plan takes the reader through a process of analysing available crime statistics
in order to identify key target population groups, then Section 3 considers relevant research in
relation to targeted crime profiles. Section 4 gives consideration to existing kaupapa Māori
strategic intervention models, which provide context and contribute to the development of a
range of strategic perspectives about Iwi led crime prevention as set out in Section 5. The
development of the ILCPP strategic outcomes framework in Section 6 draws upon the

1
 Policy, Strategy and Research Group Department of Corrections Over-representation of Māori in the criminal justice system
 An exploratory report, 2007, Wellington, NZ
2
 NZ National Census, 2006,
3
 Department of Corrections, Overrepresentation of Maori in the Criminal Justice system, 2007

 Iwi Led Crime Prevention Plan –September 2011 4

successful Taitokerau Iwi Family Violence Prevention strategic outcomes framework and
presents an overarching set of strategic outcomes that offer direction and cohesion to service
delivery level action plans. In Section 7 the plan then considers the appropriate role of Iwi in
relation to providing leadership to this plan; and describes the different types of engagement
between Iwi and other key stakeholders. Having established the appropriate role and position
for Iwi, Section 8 of the plan proposes a structural implementation model, describing the
dynamic interrelationship between Iwi and the key stakeholders dedicated to advancing this
strategy. With a viable structural model identified, Section 9 transitions from the high level
strategic outlook, to a focus on converting the strategy into practical delivery. This includes
describing relevant delivery level activities and providing an integrated matrix of delivery level
interventions across the various service delivery sectors and population locations. Section 10
concludes by proposing key steps for implementation of the ILCPP including implementation
planning, reporting, resources and budgets.

1.3 Key Highlights
 • There is a systemic causal link between socio-economic deprivation and crime which
 can only be addressed through a comprehensive systemic response that considers all
 socio-economic indicators, not just crime. Iwi are well placed to lead this type of
 response, given their broad focus on all elements of oranga for Māori whānau.

 • The majority of Māori arrested and / or charged with crimes during 2005 to 2007 either
 did not know or chose not to identify their Iwi affiliation.

 • Ngāpuhi was by far the highest stated Iwi affiliation for those Māori arrested and / or
 charged who did know their Iwi affiliation.

 • Waikato, Tūhoe and Ngāti Porou consecutively represented the next highest Iwi
 affiliations identified through the available statistics, however, the variance with the
 Ngāpuhi figures was significant and reflects the size of the Ngāpuhi population resident
 in Tāmaki Makaurau.

 • Manurewa represents a low decile area of Auckland with a large and growing
 population of Māori. Projected population growth over the next 15 years is twice the
 national average and predominately in the 0-15 years age group.

 Iwi Led Crime Prevention Plan –September 2011 5

• Rates of violent crime are increasing, with a clear association between violent crime and
 drug related offences.

 • Offender profiles suggest a focus on whānau with youth would be pragmatic.

 • There are existing kaupapa Māori strategic intervention models that align well with the
 ILCPP, particularly the Mauri Ora Framework.

 • The Whānau Ora Spectrum offers an opportunity to maximise the impact of the ILCPP
 through close alignment of these kaupapa as long as Iwi leadership is retained.

 • Iwi leadership is critical to the success of the ILCPP. Iwi are able to exercise reach and
 influence within the traditional Māori social order that cannot be replicated through
 Govt, mainstream or urban Māori constructs.

 • Creating a reduction in Māori criminal activities will require a comprehensive and
 collaborative effort at all levels of society from policy development; to service delivery;
 to Hapū and marae activities; to increasing the crime prevention dialogue at the kitchen
 tables of Māori whānau with a view to dispelling the entrenched belief that crime is an
 acceptable cultural and societal norm for a large number of Māori whānau.

1.4 Conclusion
Iwi led crime prevention is not a new concept. It was one of the outcomes of early contact with
pākehā in Aotearoa and a pre-cursor to Te Tiriti o Waitangi. Tūpuna requested the King of
England take steps to control the sealers, whalers, convicts and all manner of other British
rapscallions who landed in Aotearoa in the early 1800’s. This Iwi Led Crime Prevention Plan can
be seen in the same vein, as Iwi Māori asking the Crown to work together to prevent and
manage undesirable behaviour that threatens social harmony, whakapapa and tikanga.

Modern Iwi led crime prevention responds to the adage “if you keep doing things the same
way, you’ll keep getting the same results.” The investment of Iwi intervention in crime
prevention could radically change the way things are done and conversely, change the resulting
outcomes, simply because Iwi will do things differently than they have been done before. Iwi
will look to engage whānau and marae, hapū and other Iwi in ways that only whānaungatanga
can engage with Māori. Being Māori is whānau, hapū and Iwi business!

 Iwi Led Crime Prevention Plan –September 2011 6

Iwi led crime prevention won’t look like traditional crime prevention. It will not focus on more
police officers, harsher sentencing and longer imprisonment. Instead it will be an all-
encompassing spectrum of strategic social change based on tikanga and the social constructs
within whānau, hapū, marae and Iwi, and the cooperation and resourcing of key stakeholders
to work collaboratively with Iwi towards agreed outcomes.

While this is an Iwi led approach, it is not only Iwi who must drive and deliver the change. It
must be championed by many others and worked in concert across the spectrum that is Iwi
authorities or Runanga; marae and hapū committees; key Government Agencies; community
groups like Māori Wardens; Māori health and social service providers; and urban Māori
authorities, etc. Stakeholders will need to develop their own action plans, to achieve the
identified outcomes.

The change will not be immediate. Small steps in places of strength and commitment will be
built one upon the other to construct the new norms that will shift whānau, hapū and Iwi
Māori towards a state where the very simple vision can be realised:

 “A safe and secure environment for whānau
 that is crime free”

 Iwi Led Crime Prevention Plan –September 2011 7

SECTION 2 – WHAT DOES THE DATA TELL US?

2.1 Introduction
This section undertakes a base analysis of available police data to identify the prevalence of
Māori participation in crime, by Iwi association.

The Counties Manukau Police District is presented as an area of Auckland that has the highest
levels of socio-economic deprivation combined with a dense and diverse Māori population,
forecast to experience a rapid rate of population growth over the next 15 years, particularly in
the 0-15yr age group. Other figures point to an increase in drug related violent crime. These
factors emphasise the urgent need to create an environment where criminal activity is not
considered to be the acceptable norm for Māori whānau and collectives.

The Auckland Police District data identifies that a significant number of Māori being arrested
and charged with crimes either do not know or will not declare their Iwi affiliation. Figures
provide a stark indication of either the total or at least meaningful absence of Iwi in the lives of
Māori being arrested and charged with crime. Based on the hypothesis that a reconnection to
traditional Māori values and social structures is at the heart of reducing Māori participation in
crime, the effective implementation of this strategy should result in a reduction to this
particular statistic, even if the numbers shift to those who do identify their Iwi association.

For those who do identify their Iwi association, the order of prevalence is Ngāpuhi, Waikato,
Ngāti Porou and Tuhoe. However, it should be noted that the difference between the
prevalence for the highest Iwi association of Ngāpuhi and the next highest Iwi association i.e
Waikato, is a significant variance being 70% or 10,181 less combined charges and arrests over
the three year period. This almost certainly reflects the size of the resident Ngāpuhi population
in Auckland. In addition, the difference between Ngāti Porou and Tūhoe was negligible with a
variance of 16 combined charges and arrests over the three year period, reflecting their
relatively low representation in these figures compared to Ngāpuhi and those who did not or
would not identify their Iwi association. These figures identify which Iwi must be involved in an
Iwi led crime prevention strategy, along with the mana-whenua Iwi for Tāmaki Makaurau.

 Iwi Led Crime Prevention Plan –September 2011 8

2.2 Auckland Region Socio-Economic Deprivation
The Auckland region is New Zealand's largest economic base and gateway to the world. The
economy is diverse, with employment concentrations in several industries: financial, retail,
manufacturing, hospitality, marine, creative, information communication technology and
biotechnology. 4

The greater Auckland Region faces many challenges which are underpinned by significant socio-
economic deprivation. The relationship between this level of widespread deprivation and the
potential for criminal behaviour is enormous.

 If the population of the Auckland region was 100:
 60 would be of European ethnicity
 18 would be of Pacific ethnicity
 19 would be of Asian ethnicity
 11 would be of Māori ethnicity
 12 would be of Māori descent
 63 would have been born in New Zealand
 13 arrived in Auckland from overseas within the previous five years
 12 arrived in Auckland from another part of New Zealand within the previous five years
 10 would be aged over 65 years
 7 would be aged under five years
 34 would be married
 30 would profess no religion
 49 would be Christian
 4 would be Hindi
 3 would have lived in the same house for over 30 years
 18 would be school-age
 3 would be unemployed
 38 would be working full-time
 10 would be working part-time
 6 would be self-employed
 4 would work more than 60 hours a week
 4 would earn over $100,000 a year
 10 would have a Bachelor’s degree or Level 7 qualification
 1 would live in the central city
 1 would live on a Hauraki Gulf Island

 Figure 1: Makeup of Auckland Population

4
 Cited in Collinson, CA, Auckland Regional Environmental Scan, Macro Environment (2009) pp 2/28

 Iwi Led Crime Prevention Plan –September 2011 9

Figure 2 shows the spread of deprivation across the Auckland Region based on the New
Zealand Deprivation Index 2006. The index is based on a 1 to 10 ordinal scale where 1
represents the least deprived areas as shown in green; 10 represents the most deprived areas
as shown in red; and the shades vary between red and green for those areas with deprivation
levels between 1 and 10 5.

 Figure2: Deprivation Map, Auckland, 2006

5
 Ibid, p 2/28

 Iwi Led Crime Prevention Plan –September 2011 10

Māori and Pacific residents make up 18% of the Counties Manukau population and are
concentrated in decile 9 and 10 areas. 57% of Counties Manukau Māori and 73% of Counties
Manukau Pacific people live in Decile 9 or 10 areas which are included in the 20% relatively
most deprived areas in New Zealand. 6

Manurewa has the highest proportion of Pacific and Māori populations in New Zealand and the
most deprived, high needs population with 69% of all residents living in decile 9-10 areas. Over
the next 10 years, Manurewa will be the fastest growing suburb in South Auckland.

At 3.2% growth per annum, the Counties Manukau catchment is growing at twice the national
average. Figure 3 indicates that the highest population growth for Māori is in the youngest age
group of 0-14 years.

 Counties Manukau population by ethnicity and age, 2006

 0 - 14 years 15 - 24 years 25 - 44 years 45 - 64 years 65+ years Total

 Māori non- Māori non- Māori non- Māori non- Māori non- Māori non-
 Māori Māori Māori Māori Māori Māori

 25,365 86,745 12,096 53,019 18,288 105,777 9,558 84,090 1,944 36,204 67,248 365,838

 Figure 3: Counties Manukau Population by Age and Ethnicity in 2006

Projections based on the 2006 Census indicate that the total Māori population is predicted to
grow by 21% over the 15 year period 2011 to 2026, whereas the total non-Māori population is
predicted to grow by only 11%. 7 This projected increase in Māori population, particularly the
0-14 and 15-24 years age groups presents a strong inducement to change the incidence of
young Māori entering into criminal activities.

 New Zealand population projections by ethnicity and gender, 2006 to 2026

 Māori non-Māori

 Year Males Females Total Males Females Total

 2011 331,600 344,100 675,700 1,823,800 1,893,700 3,717,500

 2016 357,400 369,400 726,800 1,897,000 1,964,900 3,861,900

 2021 380,800 392,300 773,100 1,964,900 2,032,800 3,997,700

 2026 403,400 414,300 817,700 2,026,000 2,095,600 4,121,700

 Figure 4: Population by Age & Ethnicity Projected to 2026

6
 CMDHB, Women’s Health Annual Clinical Report 2009, (2010) p 8
7
 MOH\Maori Health\DHB's\Population Projections.mht

 Iwi Led Crime Prevention Plan –September 2011 11

2.3 Police Data by Iwi

NZ Police recently made it mandatory to record ethnicity and Iwi affiliation for all persons
charged and arrested. They have supplied data which shows Iwi affiliation for those charged
and arrested across the Auckland District, from 2005 to 2007. It is worth noting that 35% of
combined charges and arrests over the 3 year period are shown in the ‘Unknown Iwi Affiliation’
group i.e. those who either did not know or would not declare their Iwi.

The following summary was provided from NZ Police Headquarters in February 2011. It
represents a positive step towards Iwi gaining access to sound information about the level of
criminal behaviour in Auckland communities. The information indicates levels and trends of
criminal behaviour and could be a valuable reference tool for Iwi to develop an appropriate
strategic response to this issue.

The Police note:

 Our key observations from the data we provided you, and derived from the summary
 reports we are now providing, are as follows:

 • The Iwi grouping with the largest number of offenders prosecuted across the
 Auckland Districts is actually those with no Iwi - because they don't know their Iwi,
 refuse to supply Iwi details, or some other reason. This is particularly pronounced in
 Waitemata where this group is more than double the next largest Iwi group. The
 most common offences prosecuted for this grouping are: 14 - Traffic and Regulatory
 Offences, followed by 02 - Acts Intended to Cause Injury, and then 08 - Theft and
 Related Offences.

 • Across Auckland the next largest groups of offenders prosecuted identified with
 Waikato Iwi, then Ngāti Porou Iwi. For offenders identifying with Waikato Iwi, the
 most common offences prosecuted are the same as for Ngāpuhi - divisions 08, 14
 and 15 in that order. The profile of offenders identifying with Ngāti Porou is similar,
 but in the order 08, 15, 14 instead.

 Iwi Led Crime Prevention Plan –September 2011 12

• Where Iwi is recorded, Ngāpuhi, then Waikato and then Ngāti Porou are the three
 most commonly identified (Iwi affiliation) by offenders prosecuted, both Auckland-
 wide, and in the Auckland City and Counties-Manukau Districts. Waitemata District
 offenders have a slightly different profile - identifying most with Ngāpuhi, followed
 by Ngāti Porou, Ngāti Whātua, and then Waikato.

 • For Waitemata District offenders identifying with Ngāti Whātua, the most commonly
 prosecuted offences are: 14 - Traffic and Regulatory Offences, followed by 08 - Theft
 and Related Offences and 15 - Offences Against Government Procedures etc. 8

The chart in figure 5 shows indicative trends in arrests and charges of Māori in the Auckland
District between 2005 and 2007. Curiously, there are a significant number of people who did
not find their Iwi listed amongst the choices provided by the Police. This group is distinctly
different to those who did not know their Iwi or chose not to identify their Iwi. Aside from
those that chose not to list their Iwi; did not know their Iwi or could not locate their Iwi on the
list, the order of Iwi affiliations are: Ngāpuhi; Waikato; Ngāti Porou; then Tūhoe.

 Auckland District Arrest & Charge Trends 2005- 2007, by Iwi

 3,500

 3,000

 2,500
 Unknown
 2,000
 Ngapuhi
 1,500 Waikato
 1,000 Not on Form
 500 Tuhoe

 0 Ngati Porou
 Arrest Charge Arrest Charge Arrest Charge
 Count Count Count Count Count Count
 2005 2005 2006 2006 2007 2007
 Figure 5: Graph of Police Arrest & Charge Data by Iwi, 2005-2007

 Iwi Unknown Ngāpuhi Waikato Not on Tuhoe Ngāti
 Form Porou
 Arrests 6,004 6,298 1,833 1,255 764 754
 Charges 7,118 8,080 2,364 1,679 956 982
 Total 13,122 14,378 4,197 2,934 1,720 1,736
 Figure 6: Table of Police Arrest & Charge Data by Iwi, 2005-2007

8
 Chris Worsley, NZ Police National Headquarters, Performance Group, Further Auckland Iwi/Hapu Analysis, Wellington, 2011

 Iwi Led Crime Prevention Plan –September 2011 13

2.4 Ngāpuhi
As the most populous Iwi, it is not surprising to find Ngāpuhi named as the Iwi with the highest
number of arrests and charges in Auckland. In the 2006 census 31.7% of the Northland
population (148,000) identified themselves as Māori, compared with 14.6% nationally. Half of
those that identified themselves as Māori were under 25 years of age. The Far North has the
second highest Māori population, for a district, in New Zealand. Te Runanga-a-Iwi-o-Ngapuhi
reported that 78% of their 103,000 members lived outside their rohe (traditional lands) in
2001.

The Police note:

 • Across Auckland the (next) largest group of offenders prosecuted were those
 identifying with Ngāpuhi Iwi. Ngāpuhi are also the largest Iwi by population in the
 Auckland Region. The most common offences prosecuted amongst this group are: 08
 Theft and Related Offences; followed by 14 - Traffic and Regulatory Offences; and
 then 15 - Offences Against Government Procedures etc.

 • Ngāpuhi remained by far the largest Iwi nationally, with 24 per cent (compared to 23
 per cent in 2001) of the Māori descent population who stated an Iwi indicating
 Ngāpuhi affiliation in 2006.

Figure Six shows the trend in arrests and charges for those offenders declaring an Iwi affiliation
to Ngāpuhi. The dashed line shows an upward trend of increasing arrests and charges over the
period of 2005 to 2007, with a 48% increase in arrests; and a corresponding 41% increase in
charges.

 Ngapuhi
 4,000

 3,000

 2,000

 1,000

 0
 Arrest Count Charge Count Arrest Count Charge Count Arrest Count Charge Count
 2005 2005 2006 2006 2007 2007
 Figure 7: Police Arrest & Charge Data by iwi – Ngapuhi, 2005-2007

 Iwi Led Crime Prevention Plan –September 2011 14

2.5 Waikato-Tainui
As Waikato or Tainui hold mana-whenua in Tāmaki Makaurau and subsequently reside on their
traditional lands, it is not surprising to find Tainui named as the Iwi with the second highest
number of arrests and charges in Auckland. The Waikato-Tainui Iwi comprises 33 hapū and 65
marae. There are over 52,000 Iwi members who affiliate to Waikato-Tainui. 9
The Police note:

 • Across Auckland the next largest groups of offenders prosecuted identified with
 Waikato Iwi, then Ngāti Porou Iwi. For offenders identifying with Waikato Iwi, the
 most common offences prosecuted are the same as for Ngāpuhi - divisions 08, 14
 and 15 in that order, being theft, traffic offences and offences against government
 procedures.

Figure 7 shows a clear upward trend in charge and arrest numbers for Tainui, over the period,
with almost 50% increase in arrests from 2005 to 2007. Again there was a slower increase (just
over 10%) in charges over the period.

 Waikato
 1000

 800

 600

 400

 200

 0
 Arrest Count Charge Count Arrest Count Charge Count Arrest Count Charge Count
 2005 2005 2006 2006 2007 2007

 Figure 8: Police Arrest & Charge Data by Iwi – Waikato, 2005-2007

9
 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Waikato_(iwi)

 Iwi Led Crime Prevention Plan –September 2011 15

2.6 Ngāti Porou
Ngāti Porou has the second-largest affiliation of any Iwi in New Zealand, with 71,910 registered
members in 2006. 10

The Police note:

 • Across Auckland the profile of offenders identifying with Ngāti Porou is: 08 –theft,
 15 - offences against government procedures; and 14 - traffic offences.

The profile shown in figure 8 is the only Iwi affiliation with a diminishing trend of charges and
arrests over the period. After peaking in 2006, arrests reduced by 13%; and charges reduced by
9% in 2007.

 Ngati Porou
 400

 300

 200

 100

 0
 Arrest Count Charge Count Arrest Count Charge Count Arrest Count Charge Count
 2005 2005 2006 2006 2007 2007

 Figure 9: Police Arrest & Charge Data by Iwi – Ngāti Porou, 2005-2007

10
 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ng%C4%81ti_Porou#Ng.C4.81ti_Porou_today

 Iwi Led Crime Prevention Plan –September 2011 16

2.7 Tūhoe
Tūhoe people are estimated to number between 33,000 and 45,000, with about 19 per cent
still living on their tribal lands; most of the rest live in towns on the fringes of Te Urewera and
in the larger North Island cities11. The trend for arrests remained static over the period, but
charges increased by almost 20%.

 400
 Tuhoe
 350
 300
 250
 200
 150
 100
 50
 0
 Arrest Count Charge Count Arrest Count Charge Count Arrest Count Charge Count
 2005 2005 2006 2006 2007 2007

 Figure 10: Police Arrest & Charge Data by iwi – Tuhoe, 2005-2007

11
 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ng%C4%81i_T%C5%ABhoe

 Iwi Led Crime Prevention Plan –September 2011 17

2.8 Unknown Iwi Affiliation
Those Maori who either did not know their Iwi or would not declare that information are the
greatest number of Maori offenders.

The Police note:

 • The Māori descent population count has increased from 604,110 in 2001 to 643,977
 in 2006.

 • In 2006, 102,366 people (16 per cent) of the Māori descent population did not know
 their Iwi compared to 111,810 (20 per cent) in 2001 and 112,563 (21percent) in
 1996.

 • The Iwi grouping with the largest number of offenders prosecuted across the
 Auckland Districts is actually those with no Iwi - because they don't know their Iwi,
 refuse to supply Iwi details, or some other reason. This is particularly pronounced in
 Waitemata where this group is more than double the next largest Iwi group. The
 most common offences prosecuted for this grouping are: 14 - Traffic and Regulatory
 Offences, followed by 02 - Acts Intended to Cause Injury, and then 08 - Theft and
 Related Offences.

The charge trend for these offenders rises between 2005 and 2006 and then slows from 2006
to 2007. The arrest trend is almost static over the whole period.

 Unknown Iwi Affiliation
 3,000

 2,500

 2,000

 1,500

 1,000

 500

 0
 Arrest Count Charge Count Arrest Count Charge Count Arrest Count Charge Count
 2005 2005 2006 2006 2007 2007

 Figure 11: Police Arrest & Charge Data by Iwi – Unknown, 2005-2007

 Iwi Led Crime Prevention Plan –September 2011 18

SECTION 3 – CRIME PROFILES

3.1 Introduction
This section identifies a range of crime profiles relevant to the focus of this Iwi led crime
prevention plan and then draws an association between those crime profiles and relevant
research to provide an indication of the direction that the plan needs to take in order to effect
maximum change to not only the ingrained acceptance of crime within whānau Māori, but also
in relation to the systemic causal effects of Māori offending. The advantage of Iwi leadership
to this plan is that the scope and responsibility of Iwi to their descendant populations extends
across the full gamut of social and economic outcomes, thus ensuring an alignment of an Iwi
led crime prevention focus with an Iwi led economic development focus; education focus;
health focus and so on.

3.2 Target Population Offender Profiles
Violent crime and drug offences have risen significantly with increased drug use being directly
linked to violent offending. The latest crime statistics show increases in Māori offending
particularly in serious violent crime and drug related crime.

 “Violence and drug-related offences are largely responsible for increased crime rates,
 according to 2009 crime statistics released by police today. The figures show a 4.6 per
 cent increase in recorded crime in 2009” 12

Māori consistently represent 32% of apprehended offenders, with dishonesty, violence and
drug related offending the most common offences. Māori offenders represent almost half of
all burglary and car crime 13.

In Counties Manukau, Māori offenders are aged under 40 years old and represent the highest
offender ethnicity statistics in the country, across all offences other than sexual offences.

12
 NZ Herald 1 April, 2010
13
 NZ Police & Cherie Lang, Maori Knowledge Profile Auckland Metro Districts 2007/8, Sept 2008, pp 8

 Iwi Led Crime Prevention Plan –September 2011 19

In Waitemata the offenders profile are Māori males in their late teens and early twenties who
commit dishonesty offences; theft; burglary; and car conversions; followed by violent offences
(69%); domestic violence; then drug offending. Methamphetamine related offences have
increased by 43%. A reduction in cannabis offending shows the shift to methamphetamine 14.

In Auckland there is a high correlation between truanting and youth offending. Schools in
Auckland are experiencing an escalation in incidence and seriousness of student violence,
particularly with ‘girl gangs’.

This analysis suggests that targeting parents with young children could be a key catalyst for
change. Many young families in Auckland have both parents working long hours, translating
often into unsupervised children and young people. Pragmatic solutions could focus on how to
provide safe care and protection for these unsupervised children and young people at a
whānau, marae and community level.

It makes sense to focus attention and add resources to support successful programmes which
target at-risk populations, such as the Transforming Tāmaki Project, 2009 in the Glen Innes
area, where Police statistics show a significant increase in offences committed by Māori and an
increase in the number of Māori offenders. Every community of need has similar programmes
either happening or waiting to be resourced.

3.3 Systemic Causal Effects of Maori Offending
Every report on crime and offending, regardless of year or source, identifies that Māori are
over-represented in crime statistics, offending and imprisonment. That part of the equation is
constant and sadly irrefutable. However, a more in-depth investigation into the systemic
causal effects of that indictment offers a different perspective. Years of research have
identified a disparate relationship between social, educational, economic and cultural factors
as contributing to Māori participation in criminal behaviour.

Analysing and correcting the relationship of these contributing factors for Māori in a way that
bridges social, educational, economic and cultural environs will require an extensive and
comprehensive response, directed through those same factors, to be the catalyst for change to
this deeply entrenched trend. A trend that is not only entrenched in generations of Māori who

14
 NZ Police & Cherie Lang, Maori Knowledge Profile Auckland Metro Districts 2007/8, Sept 2008, pp 8

 Iwi Led Crime Prevention Plan –September 2011 20

offend and their whānau who are complicit in that reality; but equally as entrenched in the
expectations and beliefs of many non-Māori in Aotearoa and the agencies who serve them.

Our hopes for the future are coloured by preconceptions and prejudice. That perspective must
shift in order for real change to occur.

 • Young Māori who entered the youth justice system (in this study) had a similar range
 of backgrounds and risks to those who were identified as non-Māori. In other words,
 socio-economic factors did not appear to explain the differences in terms of the
 numbers of Māori young people entering the youth justice system. However, it was
 noted that those who ‘solely’ identified as Māori experienced slightly greater risks
 than those who identified as mixed-Māori.

 • As a consequence of being more likely to enter the youth justice system in the first
 place, young Māori were also more likely to be identified as having been previously
 in contact with the youth justice system: we found that the single largest correlation
 with reoffending was previous offence history.

 • On the other hand, young Māori who entered the youth justice system did so with,
 on average, less severe offences.

 • Those being referred to the Youth Court were more likely to receive more severe
 outcomes regardless of the seriousness of their offending; this increased the chances
 that young Māori would receive more severe outcomes regardless of the seriousness
 of their offending 15.

These findings and the predominance of youth in the future population projections, present a
strong impetus for a focus on preventive and early intervention actions to deter young Māori
from offending.

15
 G Maxwell, V Kingi et al, Achieving Effective Outcomes in Youth Justice, 2004, MSD, Wellington, pp293

 Iwi Led Crime Prevention Plan –September 2011 21

3.4 Targeted Youth Activities
Auckland Police have identified opportunities to engage with community agencies, schools,
kohanga reo and kura kaupapa as well as Iwi, hapū and marae to undertake prevention and
early intervention activities to deter youth from criminal behaviour.

Many of the activities are intended to reduce and limit the growth of gangs amongst young
Māori living in Auckland by intervening more effectively with high-risk, recidivist youth
offenders (who may or may not be youth gang members) in order to interrupt offending
behaviour and re-connect them to their communities through employment, education or
training 16

The majority of offending is dealt with by Police Youth Aid through the use of warnings, formal
cautions or other community-based approaches rather than arrest and charging. Other actions
seek to engage Māori whānau as parents of tamariki Māori, to ensure safety and protection of
children and young people in Māori homes. The Māori Knowledge Profiles indicate that Police
seek to support at-risk children and young people and their families to make positive choices.

 “This Plan provides systematic, integrated, intense, targeted commitment to the
 children, young people, families and communities of Counties Manukau and Otahuhu.
 Evidence shows that if government works in partnership with non-government agencies,
 communities, and local government, we will achieve much better results”.17

While such Police initiatives are excellent, there is a visible absence of strategic Iwi leadership
of these initiatives. Iwi structures have a special and unique reach and influence into Māori
whānau through hapū, marae and other Iwi mechanisms. In order to achieve a societal shift
away from entrenched Māori criminal behaviour, Iwi must champion and lead these strategic
initiatives. The crime prevention kaupapa must be embedded into Iwi, hapū and whānau
celebrations; into taumata korero; and marae activities. Only this way will the crime
prevention kaupapa become a topic of conversation at the whānau kitchen table.

16
 NZ Police, Maori Knowledge Profiles Manukau
17
 NZ Police & Cherie Lang, Maori Knowledge Profile Auckland Metro Districts 2007/8, Sept 2008, pp 8

 Iwi Led Crime Prevention Plan –September 2011 22

SECTION 4 – APPLYING AN EXISTING STRATEGIC CONTEXT

4.1 Introduction
This section considers three existing strategic models designed to effect social change within
the context of a Māori world-view. Elements of these models feature consistently in the
practice of successful kaupapa Māori service providers and national policy frameworks.
Furthermore the base tenets of these models are drawn from traditional Māori tikanga, which
is the domain of Iwi, hapū and whānau. It makes sense that an Iwi led crime prevention plan
should consider these models as relevant within the context of developing a strategic approach
to addressing Māori participation in crime.

4.2 Dynamics of Whānaungatanga
The Dynamics of Whānaungatanga 18 (DOW) is an example of a tikanga based model to
address, restore and enhance te tapu i te tangata. It confirms the sacred relationship between
tangata and Atua - that people descend from God. It establishes the tapu each person has by
right of that relationship between tangata and Atua. It also links te tapu o te tangata with
mana. The DOW provides a tikanga based process to address and correct wrongdoing –
including offending and criminal behaviour. However it is not based on the ‘crime and
punishment’ model. It is based on addressing, restoring and enhancing tapu. Malcolm Peri co-
founder of the DOW says, “the concept of tapu comes from the Māori worldview and alludes to
the potential for power to effect change” 19.

The DOW has been used in the training of social services and alcohol and drugs (AOD)
counsellors; kaimahi (workers, practitioners); kaiawhina (volunteers); and kaumatua in Te
Taitokerau during the 1990’s and early 2000’s through Te Wero me te Aranga 20, a marae based
programme to guide kaimahi and kaiawhina in the engagement of whānau entrenched in drug
and alcohol addiction. Over 300 kaimahi, kuia and kaumatua completed the 12 month long
training which was presented on marae throughout Te Taitokerau.

18
 Pa Henare Tate and Malcolm Peri, Dynamics of Whānaungatanga (DOW), 1996
19
 Peri, M, Restorative Justice Facilitator Training for Dept. Courts
20
 Armstrong, Pam, Te Wero me te Aranga training for kaimahi and kaitiaki Maori in Tai Tokerau

 Iwi Led Crime Prevention Plan –September 2011 23

Auckland District Health Board (ADHB) similarly has practice underpinned by the Dynamics of
Whānaungatanga to recognise and respect the mana and tapu of mauiui (sick) and whānau
who support those who are mauiui 21. There are growing numbers of examples of the
application of tikanga in everyday contexts.

4.3 Whānau Ora Spectrum
The emerging Whānau Ora programme of action brings hope that early intervention across the
breadth of community change agents; from kohanga reo, to kura kaupapa and mainstream
schools; to service providers and government departments; will bring a shift to ‘oranga-
focussed’ outcomes for whānau. However, Government departments will need to
acknowledge the importance of Iwi in Whānau Ora and make provision for their critical role.

The notion of whānau ora within a tikanga context is older, deeper and more durable than any
crime prevention strategy or government policy or programme. As Grennell says “This sacred
responsibility for the well-being of our whānau and tamariki mokopuna is a collective one, and
is not limited to organizational structures or specific projects” 22.

Whānau Ora is a dynamic spectrum approach; it is a broad social and cultural landscape of
integrated interventions that can reinforce the same messages / tikanga in diverse situations
for diverse audiences. The whānau ora spectrum is intersected by every facet of modern Māori
life i.e. tikanga, whānaungatanga, hapūtanga, Māoritanga, tapu, rahui, hara, muru, parenting,
health, education, housing, employment, crime prevention, etc.

Urban Māori have a savvy and sophisticated palate. That does not mean we should discard
everything from the past. Rather it requires us to capitalise on what we know works and use a
sophisticated media platform to reach, excite and enthuse the ambivalent and kuare (ignorant),
as well as those who are knowledgeable in tikanga. We could use modern technology in
conjunction with our own social structures to build a strong scaffold for revitalising Iwi Māori
with whānau ora.

21
 ADHB, Tikanga Best Practice, 2008
22
 Grennell, D 2006

 Iwi Led Crime Prevention Plan –September 2011 24

The Government Whānau Ora policy model could provide a national scaffold upon which Iwi
could lead nationwide change for Māori whānau. Iwi led crime prevention plans could be one
of the many intersections on the Whānau Ora scaffold. Whānau ora represents a new
approach to engaging with whānau. Iwi led crime prevention plans are one of many yet-to-be
developed strategic action plans which will contribute towards achieving Iwi and Government
whānau ora outcomes. All Government departments should adopt consistent and integrated
whānau ora outcomes and determine their shared Key Performance Indicators (KPI’s) for
education, employment, training, housing, police, courts, corrections, whenua kaitiaki, etc in
conjunction with Iwi leadership.

4.4 Mauri Ora Framework
The Mauri Ora framework 23 developed by the Second Ministerial Māori Taskforce on Whānau
Violence showed us that social change will not succeed by “lecturing or disdainful finger
pointing about what is wrong”. Long term sustainable social change requires a mental shift and
replacement of the destructive values and belief system of a population. There must be a
transformation from the destructive criminal behaviours which have been normalised into
everyday acceptance, to safe, sustainable social norms, such as those found in tikanga.

 • First, we must dispel the illusion that crime is normal, culturally valid and
 acceptable to Māori whānau

 • Then we must remove the opportunities for criminal behaviour from our minds,
 hearts, homes and communities

 • Then we must replace them with tikanga that will transform those behaviours to
 safe, strong, healthy behaviours that protect and promote whānau ora.

Amokura 24 was very successful in implementing a ‘family violence prevention’ social change
strategy across targeted communities in Te Taitokerau utilising the Mauri Ora Framework.

23
 Amokura, 2006
24
 Tai Tokerau Consortium of Iwi CEO’s Family Violence Prevention Strategy, 2006

 Iwi Led Crime Prevention Plan –September 2011 25

Figure 12: Iwi led crime prevention through the Mauri Ora Framework

 Iwi Led Crime Prevention Plan –September 2011 26

SECTION 5 – DEVELOPING A STRATEGIC PERSPECTIVE TO IWI
LED CRIME PREVENTION

5.1 Introduction
This section draws upon the key findings of the data analysis and crime profiles research; and
applies the context of the existing social change models to develop a strategic perspective to
Iwi Led Crime Prevention within the context of three interrelated approaches based on tikanga,
education and restorative justice.

5.2 A Tikanga Based Approach to Crime Prevention
Tikanga evolved as a set of guiding principles intended to protect Maori from danger in the
environment and from ourselves. In the past, tikanga was governed by whānau and hapū who
lived in close proximity to each other. Tikanga was enforced by a strong code of compliance
which everyone knew and understood, so were able to self-manage or face the dire
consequences of ‘straying from the path’. The same could not be said of Māori whānau living
in Tāmaki Makaurau today.

Today we live in a society influenced by media-defined and disseminated values and principles.
Our ‘commodity-based’ existence where everything is disposable, including relationships,
livelihoods and sometimes life itself, leads us to believe that everything can always be replaced
with a “newer, better” something, not just jobs, houses, dresses and cars. Today you can
choose your values and principles from any myriad of sources. From gang enforced codes to
nanny’s knee, from bumper stickers or Sky TV to church. Everyone has their own view on their
social entitlements and their own foundation for those beliefs

Any notion of tikanga is in contest with this pervasive contemporary reality. Our social fabric is
vastly changed from even 20 years ago. We often leave tikanga at the marae when we close
the gate and return to our ordinary lives. Tikanga must have relevance to our everyday lives
and be adopted by Māori everywhere. That is another challenge for Iwi. Moreover, it is also a
challenge for whānau to integrate tikanga into their daily lives.

 Iwi Led Crime Prevention Plan –September 2011 27

Everyday whānau all over Aotearoa make plans to achieve certain outcomes. Whether it is
plans to ensure tamariki get to school safely, with kai for the day and homework completed; to
travelling to a whānau celebration. Whānau use tikanga every day, many simply have not
consciously linked planning and process to tikanga and called it tikanga. Iwi, hapū and marae
must lead the revitalisation of tikanga into the everyday lives of whānau. Even those who do
not, or cannot identify their whakapapa, but know they are Māori will be affected by the
residual impacts of population wide social marketing and promotion. Even non-Māori may be
positively affected. While the reo (language); spiritual, cultural and social frameworks are
exclusive to Māori, the values and principles of tikanga are universal. Nor is the notion of
having a process to achieve outcomes, albeit tikanga led outcomes, distinctly Māori.

In order to capture the hearts and minds of contemporary Māori whānau and future
mokopuna, the values and principles of tikanga will need to be conveyed via a ‘Ferrari styled’
package, incorporating the head-turning design features and the substance of a powerful
engine, able to deliver high performance under tough conditions. Iwi must establish strength-
based marketing brands for marae and whānau tikanga. Within each of those brands, a whole
suite of marketing and merchandising could be developed to promote tikanga through whānau
and marae for any particular issue. This social marketing approach could extend the core
values and language of tikanga into Māori homes, supporting the reconnection of whānau to
marae, hapū and Iwi. When the same tikanga is reinforced within schools and other education
venues, it becomes strengthened and embedded into young minds. No greater force exists for
influencing whānau than the hopes and aspirations they hold for tamariki and mokopuna.

Social marketing will raise the comprehension of tikanga and empower informed discussions at
the whānau dinner table about what tikanga means, and how Māori criminal behaviour is
counter to the tikanga of Ngāti Whātua and the tikanga of Tainui and other Iwi. Whānau will
be able to apply tikanga every day in simple ways and build strong identity and pride in being
Māori. Reflections of the same tikanga in communities, on marae, in cities and nationwide
promotions could create an army of t-shirt wearing converts. The potency and emotional
capital of the t-shirt billboard should not be underestimated.

 Iwi Led Crime Prevention Plan –September 2011 28

Expounding the key tikanga based messages consistently through Government agencies and
Government funded NGO’s will further reinforce the importance of tikanga based values in the
lives of Māori whānau.

Every Whānau should be able to list their own whānau tikanga under specific whānau ora
outcomes in their own homes, i.e. a tikanga for schooling including attendance, performance
and achievement; a tikanga for physical health including nutrition, physical activity; etc.
Teachers and early education workers would apply and reinforce the same tikanga based
values at school. Iwi would work with national policy makers in all government agencies, in
local NGO’s, communities, kura kaupapa, schools, kohanga reo etc to identify targeted
outcomes and support the development of integrated action plans across the whole spectrum
of service provision to whānau. Iwi must be involved not just in naming and developing of
policy and programmes, but just as importantly, in the monitoring and reporting of those
outcomes to ensure they meet Māori expectations.

Identifying and articulating the key tenets of tikanga to Māori whānau and the wider
community including Govt. agencies and NGO’s, will provide a consistent, values-based
language and outcomes framework with which to focus the multiple efforts of all parties
towards achieving mutual objectives for Māori whānau. Only Māori can appropriately apply
and measure tikanga, but agencies can be a conduit for the communication of tikanga.

While connecting with whānau is imperative to change, it is not enough to solely target
whānau. A whole social change has to occur. Communities must mobilise if we are to achieve
the cultural mind shift necessary for success. Cities and regions must work in concert to bring
about long term sustainable change. Whānau and families must make changes in their homes,
which will change our society and future. And it is Iwi working with many others, who can led
this spectrum wide change, based on a foundation of tikanga.

Tikanga is the basic rule book for whānau ora, for good, healthy living and social harmony.

 Iwi Led Crime Prevention Plan –September 2011 29

5.3 An Education Based Approach to Crime Prevention
Analysis of background factors most likely to be associated with criminal conviction as an adult
raise a number of implications for Iwi led crime prevention strategies:

 Family background: a number of factors can be identified in the backgrounds of young
 people which place them at risk, potentially these can be addressed by early
 intervention programmes aimed at targeted children and young people.

 Involvement with Child Youth and Family: either for reasons of care and protection or
 because of earlier offending this is an important predictor of negative life outcomes.
 This finding suggests the importance of ensuring the quality and effectiveness of
 interventions when a child or young person first comes to notice of CYF.

 A lack of school qualifications: is another major factor in poor outcomes indicating the
 critical impact of effective management of problems that lead to Māori students leaving
 early school and / or failing to achieve core qualifications.

The level at which a young person is dealt with in the youth justice system emerges as an
important factor in life outcomes. This finding underlines the importance of compliance with
the diversionary principles described earlier. To ensure that children and young people are
always dealt with at the lowest level in the youth justice system possible. 25 When the
seriousness of the offence was held constant, offenders dealt with at a lower level (ie through
direct referral for a family group conference rather than through a charge in the Youth Court);
and who received less severe outcomes (ie were dealt with by plans that were less rather than
more restrictive and by lower rather than higher tariff Youth Court orders) were less likely to be
convicted as an adult and to have poorer life outcomes. 26

This is not rocket science. We can see what we need to do to divert young people from
potential ‘negative life outcomes’. If all Iwi did was to focus on these several indicators, it
would be well worthwhile. As has been said before, the “best bang for your buck” will come
from activities which target youth and deter them from criminal behaviour. While this
approach moves the fence from the bottom of the cliff to the top of the cliff, it still does not
divert the traffic moving towards the cliff.

25
 G Maxwell, V Kingi et al, Achieving Effective Outcomes in youth Justice, 2004, MSD, Wellington, NZ pp xiii
26
 Ibid pp 298

 Iwi Led Crime Prevention Plan –September 2011 30

Increasing the number and intensity of school based programmes could provide the greatest
and earliest positive impact. However, that will not occur by simply adding another job to the
already enormous job teachers in school have. Instead, Iwi will have to work with agencies and
schools to build and provide the capacity for new trainers - social trainers, kaumatua and kuia,
mentors, tuakana-teina programmes, etc, programmes that build social and moral character in
children. Programmes that build pride and knowledge in tamariki Māori, to walk confidently
with their heads held high beaming with their own academic, social, sports and cultural
successes.

The integrated structural change recommended throughout this plan will take longer and is
harder to do, but has a greater likelihood of long term success and wellbeing for mokopuna
Māori. That will change the direction of the traffic, from plunging headlong over the cliff face
of anti-social behaviours that lead to lifelong engagement with corrective services. A shift in
the horizon, from gangs and crime to self-fulfilled lives that celebrate oranga whānau and
oranga Māori as a plausible substitute. The schools merely create the space for enlightenment.

5.4 A Restorative Justice Approach to Crime Prevention
The current three-strikes policy “does little to reduce the drivers of crime”, says Kelvin Davis,
Labour MP. He says that “if we are really serious about reducing crime, we have to address the
causes of crime – we need to improve the social and economic situation for people” 27. There
are several systemic ways to reduce crime, including reducing poverty by providing real,
fulfilling employment, as has been mentioned already.

Another way might be redefining crime. It does not change the event, but provides
compassion and understanding in some instances of offending. It is not intended as an across-
the-board response to all offending, but rather to identify the small number of people who in
other circumstances, will probably never offend again.

Some crime is committed in the context of social dysfunction and high stress, such as some
incidents of domestic violence. If the level of seriousness of any violence and previous history
is used as criteria for inclusion in a diversionary response, and is used only once, or in unique
circumstances, by the same perpetrator, it might work. Our justice system already

27
 Whangarei Leader, May 4, 2010, pp15

 Iwi Led Crime Prevention Plan –September 2011 31

acknowledges that approach with the adoption of DV Courts and the opportunity for
restorative settings that enable perpetrators and victims to confront and sometimes reconcile
the offending with each other. Reconciling the diminishing of mana and tapu to get to
hohourongo is an extension of the same intention. Similarly for gambling related theft, where
the length of time offending, the victims vulnerability, etc and amount stolen might dictate the
opportunity for diversionary considerations.

This acknowledges that some offending occurs in reaction to certain social circumstances. It
does not excuse it, it simply provides empathy to understand that people sometimes make
mistakes, which can be life changing. If diminished mana and tapu is acknowledged and
addressed, by individuals and their whānau in a carefully structured setting, on a marae or
home with skilled kaimahi and kaumatua to awhi the process towards hohourongo, while
ensuring safety and a pathway to murua te hē, or murua te hara while showing genuine
remorse, in the course of the process, humanity could be restored and tikanga applied.

Many whānau and marae have a memory of marae committee’s undertaking hui to discipline
individual whānau members who had committed a hara (violation) against someone else.
Traditionally, Maori communities responded to their own issues and managed the process with
a clear outcome in mind. Whānau acknowledged the authority of the hapū to manage
behaviour within the context of tikanga and applying what was right, honest and fair, utilising
the framework of te tika, te pono me te aroha. While this process might be a distant memory,
the objective of reclaiming mana Māori in our homes, on our marae; and within our whānau
hapū and Iwi, is not a distant vision.

The extension of the Family Group Conference (FGC) concept to marae-based Kooti Rangatahi
is an example of a contemporary tikanga based approach to deter youth from a pathway of
crime and the life that pathway dictates. We must be careful, however, to ensure that marae
do not become places that whānau associate with Government agencies that become quasi-
courts. These kinds of programmes, if they are to be adopted must be developed with the
integrity of tikanga and the mana of whānau, hapū and Iwi driving them, not simply because of
the enforcement of Police and Courts.

 Iwi Led Crime Prevention Plan –September 2011 32