The roman-republican castella on the south-eastern coast of Hispania Citerior: the beginning of the romanization of the Iberian population.
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OTIVM.
Archeologia e Cultura del Mondo Antico
ISSN 2532-0335 – DOI 10.5281/zenodo.5702502
www.otium.unipg.it
No. 10, Anno 2021 – Article 2
The roman-republican castella on the south-
eastern coast of Hispania Citerior: the beginning of
the romanization of the Iberian population.
Feliciana Sala-Sellés
University of Alicante, Spain
Abstract: Some archaeological sites located on coastal promontories of the
north coast of Alicante (Spain) were traditionally interpreted as small
Iberian enclaves from the 2nd and 1st century BC dedicated to trade with
Rome. This interpretation stemmed from their location next to good inlets
and the outstanding number of Roman amphorae and fine ware among the
findings. However, the research project being developed since 2010
reinterprets these sites as a network of forts built during the first roman civil
wars, around 77 BC, to control the passage of senatorial ships between
Ebusus and Carthago Nova. In this new context, Roman ceramics are no
longer the object of exchange between Iberians and Italic merchants, but the
kitchen and tableware used by legionaries, as well as the storage containers
for their own food. The Iberian amphorae and other painted Iberian vessels
present in the forts are the containers of the products that the Iberian
population, allied with Sertorius, provided for the provisioning of the
soldiers, but it may also be pointing out a hypothetical presence of Iberian
auxilia in the coastal garrisons. In any case, it is through this contact, in the
midst of a war in the 70's BC, when the Iberian population of the regio
Contestania first encounters the Roman economic system and starts the
slow transmission of new cultural values.
Keywords: Roman-republican fortification, Iberian and roman pottery,
Romanization.
Address: University Institute of Research in Archeology and Historical Heritage
(INAPH), University of Alicante, Spain. Email: feliciana.sala@ua.es. After two completed
projects, the study of the forts continues within the framework of the R&D project
HAR2016-76917-P, financed by the Ministry of Economy, Industry and Competitiveness.
F. Sala-Sellés. The roman-republican castella on the south-eastern coast of Hispania Citerior.
The papers published in this volume were presented at the session n° 162
“Culture contacts in Western Mediterranean Sea during the Roman Age.
Pottery as cultural marker between traffics and local productions" of the
25th Annual Meeting of the European Association of Archaeologists (EAA) -
Beyond Paradigms (Bern 4-7 September 2019), organized under the scientific
direction of Prof. Marco Giuman, Dr. Ciro Parodo and Dr. Gianna De Luca
(University of Cagliari. Department of Humanities, Languages and Cultural
Heritage. Cittadella dei Musei, Piazza Arsenale 1, 09124 Cagliari, Italy).
1. THE RESEARCH’S BACKGROUND
It is widely considered that ceramic vessels are a mean of cultural
transmission or, at least, an excellent tool through which Archaeology can
recognize economic and ideological changes in ancient societies. However,
the goal of this presentation is to show you a case of an erroneous Reading.
The excavations conducted during the first half of the twentieth century in
some archaeological sites on the southeast coast of Iberia dating between
the 2nd and 1st centuries BC discovered abundant Roman pottery. The
archaeological historiography of that time interpreted them as enclaves in
which the Iberian population was engaged in exchange with Italic
merchants and considered this scenario as testimony to the beginning of
their Romanization. The Iberians learned to drink the Italic wine - which
came in amphoras Dressel 1 and Lamboglia 2 - in the pertinent tableware -
glasses of black gloss ware A and B and thin-walled beakers -. In this initial
process of romanization, the Roman currency and Iberian mints began to
play a decisive role, whose presence in these deposits indicated the first
contacts of the local population with a monetary economy. This idea was
consolidated in the first general study carried out on Contestanian Iberian
2
OTIVM. Archeologia e Cultura del Mondo Antico, Vol. 10, 2021, Article 2
culture by E. Llobregat1 and commercial activity was established as the
framework for the cultural transformation of the Iberian population.
These sites are located in a territory in the southeast of the Iberian
Peninsula identified as Contestania from late Latin texts and their
inhabitants are cited as contestani (fig. 1). They are located on the north coast
of the Alicante province around Cabo de la Nao, an important geographical
reference for ancient and current navigation. From south to north these sites
are the Tossal de la Cala (Benidorm), Cap Negret (Altea), Penyal d'Ifac
(Calp), Punta de la Torre (Teulada-Moraira) and, passing the cape, Penya
de l'Àguila (Denia) and Passet de Segaria (Benimeli). From the map we
highlight the mountainous interior of the contestanian territory, difficult to
be travelled by land even in modern times. There, the Iberian settlements
were organized in each small valley as independent political and economic
units2. It can be easily observed how the intricate orography reaches the sea,
giving rise to a very abrupt coastline, where high cliffs alternate with small
coves that become excellent shelters for ships (fig. 2). In summary, the
mobility and transit of goods through this Iberian territory were feasible by
sea and not by a coastal land route impossible to travel, although it has
traditionally been traced on land route maps of republican Hispania3.
These settlements have a somehow homogenous disposition. They are
small enclaves of a half a hectare located at the top of headlands. At its base
we find in all cases those coves suitable for the sheltering of small ships. In
them the characteristic Iberian ceramic with painted decoration appeared
(fig. 3), very characteristic of this time frame in the properly Iberian
1 LLOBREGAT 1972.
2 GRAU 2002; MORATALLA 2004.
3 SILLIÈRES 2003, fig. 1.
3
F. Sala-Sellés. The roman-republican castella on the south-eastern coast of Hispania Citerior.
settlements. It is a very refined and good quality ceramic, made with an
oxidizing firing and characterized by geometric decoration painted in
shades of vinous red. However, on the occasion of a salvage excavation at
the Cap Negret site in 19874, we were able to see for the first time that Iberian
ceramics appeared in smaller numbers than imported Roman and Punic
ceramics (tab. 1), and also the high NMI of Dressel 1 (20), Lamboglia 2 (20),
and Greco-Italic amphorae (9) and forms of Campanian black-slip ware of
the types A and B (39) and thin-walled beakers (13) (tab. 2). Even admitting
that the population engaged in commercial exchange, these amounts of
imported ware began to seem excessive for the standards we were working
with in different sites5. Another fact also caught our attention: the variety of
Roman kitchen glasses. We will come back to this fact later in this paper.
2. THE RESEARCH PROJECT
In 2010 we began the study of these enclaves with the aim of knowing in
depth how the Iberian population lived and characterizing the process of
cultural change that was undergoing. First, we compiled all the known data
from the old excavations and restudied the findings6. Among these
findings, were identified armament and Roman militaria, medical
instruments like spathomele, stili, Gallarate and Piatra Neamt jug handles,
situla feet and tools for construction and maintenance 7 (fig. 4), common
4 SALA 1990.
5 SALA 2003.
6 The materials of these excavations are deposited in the Provincial Archaeological
Museum of Alicante-MARQ and in the Municipal Archaeological and Ethnographic
Museum of Jávea.
7 BAYO 2010, pp. 122-132; BAYO 2014, fig. 5-10.
4
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objects also found in well-known republican military camps of the Sertorian
Wars like Cáceres el Viejo in Lusitania8. The documented coins minted in
the 2nd century BC did not give the initial date of the habitat but were being
used with full exchange value in the early 1st century BC9. On those dates,
specifically between the years 76 and 75 BC, very close to our study area,
three battles were fought decisive in the outcome of the first Roman civil
war that confronted the Sertorian and Pompeian armies in the Iberian
Peninsula10. In addition, Dianium, the current city of Denia, is cited in
sources as the naval headquarters of Sertorius and its fleet. This navy
consisted of the ships of the Cilician pirates put at the service of its cause,
as Strabo (Str., III.4.6) and Sallust (Sall., Hist., I.124).
Hence, these objects referred without a doubt to the presence of the
Roman army. For this reason, we began to consider the hypothesis that in
the coastal enclaves there could be small roman garrisons temporarily
installed in the Iberian fortification, and that all of this should have affected
the inhabitants of the Contestanian territory to a greater or lesser extent. The
presence of Roman military contingents in local settlements is not a new
issue in the archaeology of the Roman conquest, although it has gained
interest in recent years thanks to the recording of new examples. In the
Portuguese area, C. Fabião has described the issue as the “hidden” Roman
army within indigenous sites11, thanks to the record of sites such as Cabeça de
Vaiamonte, near the Cáceres el Viejo camp, or the Castro de Alvarelhos
(Santo Tirso), in the north of Portugal, related to the Augustan conquest of
8 ULBERT 1984.
9 DOMÉNECH 2014, pp. 95-96.
10 SALINAS 2014, pp. 27-29.
11 FABIÃO 2007, 128-131.
5
F. Sala-Sellés. The roman-republican castella on the south-eastern coast of Hispania Citerior.
the northern towns of the Iberian Peninsula. Examples have also been
documented in France, Switzerland and Luxembourg in recent years. M.
Reddé highlights the sites of La Chaussée-Tirancourt (Somme), Bâle, a small
rauracian oppidum, or Titelberg (Lamadeleine), the great oppidum of the
Treveri, three confirmed cases of the cantonment of Roman troops in
protohistoric oppida between the end of the Gallic War and the Principality
of Augustus12.
The research continued and with the geo-positioning and digital
mapping of the fortifications we found that they were simple but well-
planned buildings, which were not urban but strictly defensive in nature.
See, for example, the clever adaptation to the abrupt orography in Penya de
l’Àguila: three massive barrier walls between 2 and 3 m wide built in the
narrowing of the summit. The settlement occupies an area of half a hectare
and is located more than 1 km from wall III, from which the site was
accessed. The intermediate space between the wall III and the habitat is
empty, then the walls had the function of slowing down a hypothetical
enemy advance. These walls have breaks to gain flanking and to give
stability to the stretch. Also, a single access as sally ports of just 90 cm wide
(fig. 5). With these simple elements, it was intended to achieve a virtually
impregnable location during a very critical episode, something that was
already noticed by the first researchers13. Another example is the
fortification of the Passet de Segària. On a steep summit a visible section of
a wall of more than 45 m closes the long side of a rectangular building that
once again occupies half a hectare. It is built in a pseudo opus quadratum, a
12 REDDÉ 2008, 70.
13 HEMP 1929; SCHUBART 1963.
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technique without any tradition among the Iberian fortifications (fig. 6).
This enclosure was built in a mountainous pass that leads from the port of
Dianium to a nearby valley of Iberian settlement.
The key to the definitive reinterpretation of the Iberian enclaves as
republican Roman forts was provided by the architecture of the Tossal de
la Cala. The site was partially excavated in 194314 and 195615. Our team
resumed field work in 2013 and it has been going until today and giving us
enough data to been able to correctly identify the architecture. It is not an
architecture of Iberian dwellings but a modular and repetitive architecture
that uses the pes monetalis as a unit of measurement. It presents two
constructive types (fig. 7): a simple plant of 2-3 rooms that develops
perpendicular to the wall, has its access from the main street, and stairs that
descend to the lower rooms with the wall as closure (Nos. 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9 and
13); and another more complex type has a greater number of rooms
connected by narrow spans (Nos. 10-12 and 14-15). These and other
constructive details, on which we cannot extend here, confirm that we were
facing a fort from the first Roman civil war16 and that it meets the
characteristics to be typified as a castellum17.
The occupation of protohistoric sites by the Roman army in Central
European regions takes place in a second phase of the conquest process,
when in the respective territories, which are already occupied, it is
necessary to reaffirm control with a permanent presence of Roman
garrisons. This is not the situation of the Alicante coastal sites. They were
14 BELDA 1950-51.
15 TARRADELL 1985.
16 SALA et alii 2014a; 2014b.
17 JIMÉNEZ DE FURUNDARENA 1995.
7
F. Sala-Sellés. The roman-republican castella on the south-eastern coast of Hispania Citerior.
built ex novo, have a single horizon of occupation and were inhabited for a
very short period during the 70s BC According to our calculations, they
formed a network of forts of half a hectare of extension and capacity to
house two centuries. Everything began to fall into place: the weapons and
militaria belonged to the soldiers; the abundant amphorae of Italian wine
and oil, of salted fish from Cádiz and from other sources18 were part of the
provisioning of the troops; the black-slip Campanian pottery and thin-
walled goblets were for the rations of wine; and they spent their leisure time
in games of chance19, as indicated by the tessera lusoria found in Passet de
Segària (fig. 8).
Current research understands commensality as a means of identifying a
social group through its gastronomic customs and, in fact, both the
preparation of food and the way of consuming it are part of the cultural
baggage of each society. The kitchen-ware in the Tossal de la Cala, Cap
Negret and Penya de l'Àguila is undeniable italic and presents a varied
repertoire -aulae, patinae, caccabi, lopades-, which contrasts with the low
percentage of Iberian kitchen ceramics20 (tab. 3). In the aulae you could cook
puls or also boil vegetables, meats, etc.21. In the patina a kind of tortilla or
quiche was cooked without dough that included vegetables, fish or meat
with curdled eggs and brains22. The caccabus, a container between the aulae
18 As a curiosity we will point out the presence of a wine amphora from the island of Kos
in the Tossal de la Cala. It contained a long-maturing salty wine, to which Pliny attributed
medicinal properties (Nat. Hist., XIV, 77-79), and that was highly appreciated in military
circles, in TCHERNIA 1986: 19.
19 RODRÍGUEZ 2016.
20 BAYO 2019, pp. 510-530.
21 ROTH 1999, p. 45; BELTRÁN 2002, p. 205; OLCESE 2003, p. 38.
22 BELTRÁN 2002, p. 206; HUGUET 2013, p. 311.
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and the patina23, made it possible to cook the minutalia, a stew made of meat,
fish and vegetables minced into tiny pieces. In the lopades the fish was
stewed in its juice by covering it with a lid24. Sartago was used to fry or sauté
fish or meat, or to make cookies or cakes25. It was the definitive turning
point, since it was hardly credible that the Iberian population had changed
their eating habits in just a few years.
3. THE HISTORICAL FRAMEWORK AND THE ROMANIZATION PROCESS
From the sequence of military operations it follows that Sertorius's
intention was to secure control of the territories that provided him with a
safe base to march on Italy: the Ebro valley, the Pyrenean foothills and the
Levantine coast26. Everything changed when in 77 BC Pompey crossed the
Pyrenees at the command of his army to reinforce the legions of Metellus in
Later Hispania. With the important port of Carthago Nova in the hands of
the senators and Pompey descending the Mediterranean coast, Sertorius
needed an escape route by sea to Italy and leaned towards the port of
Dianium as a stronghold and naval base27 that same year (fig. 9). The
confrontation of the archaeological data with the historical facts allows to
attribute to Sertorius the construction of the forts around the Cabo de la Nao.
They respond to a studied plan of fortification of the southeast peninsular
coast, since they maintain visual connection among them. This was possible
23 BATS 1988, pp. 46, 69.
24 BATS 1988, pp. 68-69.
25 BATS 1988, p. 50.
26 SALINAS 2006, p. 156.
27 PÉREZ VILATELA 1992, p. 131.
9
F. Sala-Sellés. The roman-republican castella on the south-eastern coast of Hispania Citerior.
because the Iberian Contestania he had a friendly retro-country thanks to the
alliance with the contestani, as Titus Livius affirms in the Periocha XCI. With
the ports of Ebusus and Carthago Nova out of his control, monitoring the
passage of senatorial ships in front of the cape was vital to his army. The
assault of the senatorial ships by Sertorius's allied Cilician fleet tried to
remedy the serious supply problem caused by the closure of the official
channels28. We defend that this is the explanation for the high number of
italic amphorae in Alicante’s forts29 (fig. 10). It is the archaeological
testimony of a question to which the written sources alluded 30: the
importance of the provisioning of the legions in the development of
conflicts.
Going from the traditional vision of the sites of the north coast of Alicante
as Iberian towns to an interpretation of a network of castella of the Sertorian
wars supposes a substantial change for the knowledge of the Roman civil
wars in the southeast of Hispania. Its reinterpretation is already a milestone
in the investigation that cannot be concluded without dwelling on the
consequences among the Iberian population. It is possible to think that, by
virtue of the agreements of Sertorius with the contestani, they had to provide
products for the supply of the coastal garrisons. The Iberian amphorae and
vases found in the forts are the containers for transporting and storing the
products - food, esparto ropes, skins, etc. - that the people from the interior
valleys would contribute to the Sertorian army. It is also probable that they
28 We believe that Cicero alludes to this situation in the defense of Marcus Fonteio who,
being governor of Gaul, sent convoys to Metellus because the aid sent from Rome by sea
was intercepted by the Sertorians on the "Levantine coast" (Cic. Pro Fonteio, 13), in MUÑIZ
1978, p. 252.
29 SALA et alii 2013.
30 CADIOU 2008, pp. 435-450.
10OTIVM. Archeologia e Cultura del Mondo Antico, Vol. 10, 2021, Article 2
contributed auxiliary troops, the existence of which we believe to see in a
graffiti in the Iberian language on a plate Lamb 5 from campaniense B or the
representation of a military parade painted on a Iberian ceramic fragment
found in the Tossal de la Cala (fig. 11). Auxiliaries did not reside in this fort,
since we have just seen that all the kitchenware is Roman, but it is true that
in the surroundings of the forts, auxilia and/or the Iberian population that
came with their products could hear Latin, participated in their measure of
the discipline of the Roman army, met a different commensality and
observed the rituals dedicated to the Roman gods, among other daily
gestures.
This environment could have marked the beginning of the Romanization
process of the contestani, but the Sertorian conflict ended only five years
after the construction of the forts, just after the death of Sertorius in 72 BC.
Then, the contestanian territory would remain practically empty of Roman
population until the Augustan period, when Archaeology confirms the
presence of the Roman civil and/or military population with the foundation
of the colony of Ilici and the municipality of Lucentum, following now a
different strategy of consolidation of the conquered territories.
Consequently, can we speak of the romanization of the Contestanian
Iberian population? Not in the terms that traditional historiography
defended and certainly not at an early date31. The cultural change begins
from Augustus and it is in the Flavian era when we can speak of a
Romanised context around cities and their territoria32.
31 The theoretical debate on the scarce or non-existent Romanisation of the Contestania's
Iberian population that can be deduced from this new archaeological framework has been
dealt with in depth by one of the members of the research team in her PhD thesis: BAYO
2019, pp. 31-103.
32 OLCINA 2014.
11F. Sala-Sellés. The roman-republican castella on the south-eastern coast of Hispania Citerior.
Cultural changes arose in conjunction with the process of conquest and
included the spread of Latin as the vehicular language of the provinces, the
development of Roman urban forms and resources, new identities and
ways of dressing, changes in diet, the extension of Roman religious
practices and the adaptation of Roman artistic expressions combined with
the traditions of the conquered regions33. We find in this definition of S.
Keay the final scenario of Romanization in Contestania, but as far as the
times are concerned we are in favour of the opinion of G. Woolf, who
suggests that Mediterranean Hispania was under effective Roman control
during generations before there was any cultural change34. Against this idea
F. Beltrán, a good connoisseur of Romanization in the Ebro valley, is
positioned35. According to this researcher, in this territory, with an italic
presence since the 2nd century BC, elements of Roman affiliation are
adopted, reworked and integrated into local structures that retain a notable
role and, thus, synthesis phenomena occur from which societies with a clear
provincial profile emerge36.
Other regions of Hispania Ulterior, with enormous economic interests for
Rome, either for its rich agricultural production, or for the exploitation of
minerals, and with an italic presence since the end of the Second Punic War,
also experienced an early Romanization that can be pursued through
something as simple but revealing as it is the appearance already in the 1 st
century BC of a “romanized” amphoric production for the packaging of oil
and salted fish from the Baetica that reached as far as Rome37. This does not
33 KEAY 2001, p. 123.
34 WOOLF 1997, 346.
35 BELTRÁN 2017.
36 BELTRÁN 2003, p. 180.
37 GARCÍA VARGAS, 2009; BERNAL et alii, 2013.
12OTIVM. Archeologia e Cultura del Mondo Antico, Vol. 10, 2021, Article 2
seem to be what happened in Iberian Contestania in the 2nd and 1st centuries
BC.
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paradigmes et réalités archéologiques, in Salduie 8, 2008, pp. 61-72.
RODRÍGUEZ 2016: F.G. Rodríguez Martín, Tesserae lusoriae en Hispania, in
Zephyrus LXXVII, 2016, pp. 207-220.
https://doi.org/10.14201/zephyrus201677207220 .
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Leiden-Boston-Köln 1999.
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des Montgó bei Denia (Prov. Alicante), in Madrider Mitteilungen 4, 1963, pp. 51-
85.
15F. Sala-Sellés. The roman-republican castella on the south-eastern coast of Hispania Citerior.
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ibéricas a los modelos romanos, Publicaciones de la Universidad de Alicante
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17F. Sala-Sellés. The roman-republican castella on the south-eastern coast of Hispania Citerior.
Fig. 1. Location of archaeological sites on the north coast of Alicante (MARQ cartographic
base).
Fig. 2. Image of the coast taken from Cabo de la Nao. In the background, the Punta de la
Torre archaeological site (photo by X. Bolufer).
18OTIVM. Archeologia e Cultura del Mondo Antico, Vol. 10, 2021, Article 2
Fig. 3. Selection of painted Iberian vases from Tossal de la Cala (photo by S. Bayo).
19F. Sala-Sellés. The roman-republican castella on the south-eastern coast of Hispania Citerior.
Fig. 4. Militaria and other findings from the small coastal forts in Alicante: (1–2) pila; (3)
gladius; (4–6) spearheads; (7) lead sling bullets; (8) spears; (9) cavalry harness fitting or belt
plaque; (10–11) bone and iron rings; (12) strike-a-light; (13) seal box (bulla); (14–15, 18)
bronze jug handles and situla fragment; (16) cheekpiece from Montefortino type helmet;
(17) fragments of strainer (trulla); (19–25) various tools. Nos. 1, 4, 6, 8–9, 11–12, 16–17, 19–
24 Penya de l’Àguila; No 7 Passet de Segària; Nos 2–3, 5, 10, 13–15, 18, 25 Tossal de la Cala
(drawings by S. Bayo).
20OTIVM. Archeologia e Cultura del Mondo Antico, Vol. 10, 2021, Article 2
Fig. 5. Aerial photograph of the Penya de l’Àguila fort. The three defensive lines in barrier
are appreciated (drawing by F. Sala).
Fig. 6. Pseudo quadratum section of the wall of the Passet de Segària fortification (photo by
F. Sala).
21F. Sala-Sellés. The roman-republican castella on the south-eastern coast of Hispania Citerior.
Fig. 7. General plan of the fortress of Tossal de la Cala with indication of the construction
types (drawing by Stereogràfica). The wall of the western sector was plundered at the
beginning of the 20th century for the construction of the town's port. The marked path with
a thick outline is the path opened in 1956 to urbanize the hill. It crossed the wall and
annexed buildings. It is possible that at that point there was one of the gates of the fort.
Fig. 8. Tessera lusoria found in the Passet de Segària fort (photo and drawing by J. Boronat).
22OTIVM. Archeologia e Cultura del Mondo Antico, Vol. 10, 2021, Article 2
Fig. 9. Historical cartography of the Sertorian conflict in the southeast of Hispania with the
location of the archaeological sites in the Alicante coast around the Cabo de la Nao (white
points). With a white square, the castrum aestivum of La Vila; with a black dot the sites of
the second half of the 1st century BC (Caesarian wars or Augustan times) and with a white
star the location of battles or military clashes mentioned in the sources (Lauro, Sucro) or
with archeological evidence (Valentia) (drawing by S. Bayo).
Fig. 10. Image of the Tossal de la Cala and its surroundings. At the top it can be seen part
of the wall and its attached buildings in the eastern sector. The cove and the island would
be ideal places to hide the Cilician myoparones waiting for the passage of senatorial
merchant ships (photo by S. Bayo).
23F. Sala-Sellés. The roman-republican castella on the south-eastern coast of Hispania Citerior.
Fig. 11. Iberian pottery fragment with representation of a military parade and a graffiti in
the Iberian language on the Camp. B, Lamb. 5 patera found in the Tossal de la Cala (photo
by S. Bayo).
24OTIVM. Archeologia e Cultura del Mondo Antico, Vol. 10, 2021, Article 2
Tab. 1. Percentages by provenance of the pottery in Cap Negret (blue), Penya de l’Àguila
(red) and Tossal de la Cala (green) (drawing by S. Bayo).
Tab. 2. Comparative repertoire of the types of amphorae and other transport and
storage containers of Cap Negret, Penya de l’Àguila and Tossal de la Cala (drawing by S.
Bayo).
25F. Sala-Sellés. The roman-republican castella on the south-eastern coast of Hispania Citerior.
Tab. 3. Comparative repertoire of kitchenware in the forts of Cap Negret (blue), Penya de
l’Àguila (red) and Tossal de la Cala (green). The higher figures in Tossal de la Cala are due
to the fact that it has undergone a greater number of excavations (drawing by S. Bayo).
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