Covid-19, Homophobia and the Bolsonarista Vernacular: Hate Speech on Brazilian Social Media11
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APRIA #04 April 2022 Horacio F. Sívori et al.
Covid-19, Homophobia and
the Bolsonarista Vernacular:
Hate Speech on Brazilian Social Media 1
Abstract architecture. On the other hand, Instagram
For the greater part of the 2010s and after and Twitter also afforded the mobilisation of
the election of Jair Bolsonaro as president varied publics by means of memetic images
in 2018, Brazilian social media became an in defence of public health and of sexual
increasingly fertile ground for the exercise of diversity, and in opposition to Bolsonaro’s
public violence associated with political cam- homophobia. In face of dehumanising acts
paigning, often marked by gender, sexuality, and discourse, we interrogate the possibili-
class and race. As political tension increased ties of feminist intersectional investments in
with the outbreak of the Covid-19 pandemic, digital media in times of adversity.
Bolsonaro openly disregarded and mocked
scientific advice and showed contempt for Keywords: Twitter; Instagram; Brazil;
expressions of care and empathy, which was gender; hate speech; homophobia.
consistent with the anti-intellectualism and
gender script of his public persona. Introduction
This article focusses on two episodes The dissemination of hate discourse against
on Twitter and Instagram that illustrate feminist, LGBTQ+, and other minorities
varied forms of network engagement with on social media was key to the rise in public
instances of homophobic hate speech uttered support for the election of Jair Bolsonaro in
by or attributed to Bolsonaro. On the one October 2018 as president of Brazil.2 By the
hand, we highlight how the amplification of time he was elected and an anti-rights agenda
homophobic speech as a political code was was consolidated as the moral compass of his
afforded by Twitter’s design and algorithmic government, Facebook, Twitter, Instagram,
35 DOI: 10.37198/APRIA.04.04.a3
APRIA #04 April 2022 Horacio F. Sívori et al.
YouTube and particularly WhatsApp had component of contemporary right-wing
already become fertile sites for hate speech populism in Brazil. We first highlight how
and sensationalism, facilitating the spread of the amplification of hate speech as a political
disinformation and political attacks.3 Bolson- language was facilitated by Twitter’s design
aro’s public displays of anti-intellectualism and algorithmic architecture. Second, we
and homophobia reached yet another peak point to the possibilities of alternative social
with the outbreak of Covid-19 just over one media vernaculars and issue networks as a
year into his term. These displays were in type of resistance against this form of online
place of an articulate government response political violence.
to the pandemic. He soon became notorious
for his open disregard of scientific evidence Digital Populism
and protocol, as well as for his contempt for In a recent article about the role of
expressions of care and empathy, which he WhatsApp in Jair Bolsonaro’s success as a
mocked as signs of weakness of character. populist, Brazilian anthropologist Letícia
His homophobic outbursts were consistent Cesarino associates Bolsonaro’s investment
with the gender script of his performance as in social media and neglect of traditional
a public persona as a macho bully. channels of political debate with the culti-
This article addresses the role of hate vation of his image as a political outsider. In
speech and expressions of gender and sexual doing so, he promoted himself as an anti-sys-
prejudice in Brazilian right-wing populist tem alternative in times of crisis.6 Cesarino
networks and campaigning on social media, revisits Victor Turner’s analysis of ritual to
which were arguably key to their electoral explain the (re)making of political identities
success in 2018.4 We first discuss the tactical on social media platforms.7
combination of populist rhetoric and digital Just like in a ritual, digital engagement
communication that configures a peculiarly generates a liminal space that enables the
powerful political pedagogy that was once dissolution of established identities and the
again exercised in the context of the Covid-19 emergence of new ones. Furthermore, social
pandemic. Then, after some methodological media profile design has afforded the online
considerations, we go on to describe two formation of identities that are, according
Twitter and Instagram trends during that to Cesarino, ‘both highly individualistic and
period that illustrate varied forms of network highly relational. While platforms allow for
engagement with instances of homophobic only one, well-bounded individual profile at
hate speech uttered by or attributed to Bol- a time, every profile is continuously co-pro-
sonaro, the Brazilian president. duced through feedback loops with other
Homophobia, hate speech, and violence user profiles. If such networked engagement
and discrimination based on sexual orienta- disappears, the online persona ceases to exist
tion and gender expression are broad terms as such.’8
that refer to varied forms of prejudice. What However, for Cesarino, unlike in tra-
is at stake in legal, linguistic, sociological and ditional rituals, digital rituality does not
psychological approaches to hateful speech produce the reintegration of unmediated
acts is their capacity to harm individuals, identities. On the one hand, the continuity
groups and society as a whole.5 In this article, within and the separation between liminal
we delve into the contextual—as a rule, con- spaces created by algorithmic classification
tested—meanings of public manifestations mechanisms favour the isolation of users
of homophobic hate speech, a constitutive in so-called ‘bubbles.’ On the other hand,
36 DOI: 10.37198/APRIA.04.04.a3
APRIA #04 April 2022 Horacio F. Sívori et al.
the person is permanently suspended in the distancing as a violation of ‘citizens’ rights to
performative in-between of liminality, as in come and go,’ claiming that ‘Brazil’s economy
a ritual process that never reaches closure. can’t stop’ for what he called ‘a little flu.’16
This is, according to Cesarino, fertile ground ‘Now everything is about the pandemic!’
for processes of radicalisation. Populists take he complained at an official function held to
advantage of this quality of social media: mark the ‘reopening of tourism in Brazil,’ in
‘Like populist politics itself, the current November 2020. ‘This has to stop! I’m sorry
architecture of social media complicates for the dead. I’m sorry. But we’re all gonna
and challenges previously-held assumptions die someday. Here everybody is gonna die.
about agency and individuality, spontaneity [...] It is no use running away from this, run-
and manipulation, freedom and control.’9 ning away from reality. [You] have to stop
According to Brazilian linguist Daniel [acting as] um país de maricas [a country of
N. Silva, Bolsonaro’s kind of populism con- sissies].’ After uttering ‘maricas,’ he lowered
figures a ‘pragmatics of chaos,’ inciting the his tone of voice and, as if commenting on
communicability of hate and fear through what he had just said, he added: ‘A full plate
incendiary framing and dispersive effects.10 for the vultures back there,’ referring to
The illusion of non-mediation afforded by members of the press in the back of the audi-
social media and the creation of micro-pub- ence. He was marking his words as a renewed
lics by algorithmic segmentation have a provocation to the critics of his well-known
central role in that form of political commu- anti-homosexual prejudice. He added: ‘We
nication, allowing ‘the impression of politics have to face this [challenge] with open arms,
being decoupled from its conventional face the fight.’17
(formal) register, old bureaucratic channels, The term maricas evokes the stigma
and possibly its corrupt mechanisms, and traditionally attached to the passive partner
being reassembled in intimate, “unmedi- in male homosexual intercourse, a femi-
ated,” transparent channels.’11 As Cesarino nised attribute used to denote inferiority.
pointed out, in a ‘liminal environment However, as Michel Misse has argued,18
where language becomes highly mimetic this classification does not designate men as
and performative,’ the ambiguity, ready- homosexual; instead, it evokes the stigma of
made replicability and divorce from content male homosexuality metaphorically, reveal-
sources of messages conveyed by digital ing its gendered dimension. Rather than
media supports a memetic pedagogy whereby saying that the target of the insult is gay, it
digital populists teach their followers to implies that he is ‘less of a man,’ more often
speak and act like them.12 as a moral judgement about signs of lack of
That ‘pragmatics of chaos’ was further will or cowardice than about unconventional
fuelled by conspiracy theories and disinfor- gender expression. In his speech, Bolson-
mation tactics regarding the coronavirus aro urges Brazilians to be men, not ‘sissies,’
pandemic. This global ‘infodemic’ on social meaning that they must be brave and face
media, as the World Health Organization death ‘with open arms,’ as a manly sacrifice.
called it,13 in Brazil was capitalised on and Implicit in that appeal is the strong cultural
arguably stimulated by the negationist atti- association between male homosexuality and
tude held by Bolsonaro and his entourage.14 moral weakness. As a paradigm, the sym-
By either live-streaming15 or speaking bolism of male homosexuality as a betrayal
to crowds at a close distance, as he often of a ‘natural’ condition of superiority attrib-
does, Bolsonaro has actively opposed social uted to ‘real’ men operates as a reminder
37 DOI: 10.37198/APRIA.04.04.a3
APRIA #04 April 2022 Horacio F. Sívori et al.
of male domination. Bolsonaro’s remark to political issue engagement, if compared
generated some engagement in response on to first-degree popularity metrics. As sug-
social media. gested by Richard Rogers, one must account
for intensely connected identifiable actors of
Digital Engagement varied characteristics, positioning and ways
The speech in question took place in of engagement to measure engagement with
November 2020, a period during which we political issues on social media.21
monitored controversies about feminism and On a further note on research method-
LGBTQ+ issues on Twitter. We collected ology and ethics, all of our social media data
data using a combined strategy: user-end collection, including user-end queries, ethno-
immersive observation using an anonymised graphic observation and access to metadata
research profile and digital tools at the back either facilitated by platform APIs or utilising
end. The term maricas stood out distinctively scraping scripts involved digital objects—
in posts by Bolsonarista profiles we followed. human or automated profiles, text, image
We queried that term from November 12 to files and URLs either posted or used in pro-
28 using Netlytic, an API-based social media file descriptions, reactions, linked profiles,
text and social network analyser. This tool etc.—that were not only defined as public as a
records up to 1,000 posts per query every matter of legal regulation (either by platform
fifteen minutes.19 After removing tweets in default or by a user’s deliberate choice), but
languages other than Portuguese, our dataset whose creators also intended to make public
comprised a sample of 62,440 posts in which to the largest extent possible. That is, online
the term maricas was used. Within that activity and behaviour that sought their own
sample, a social network analysis of metadata exposure, the amplification of their messages
was conducted to obtain a Co-Retweet Net- as actors in the public sphere.
work (Co-RTN) comprising 33,485 tweets
(self-retweets excluded), in turn represented Alignment
using graph visualisation software.20 Adopting their leader’s lexicon, Bolsonaro
A Co-RTN shows accounts in the supporters propagated a term over the net-
sample whose posts were retweeted by at works that had been otherwise infrequent,
least two other accounts, displaying an which was adopted into right-wing Twit-
affinity of interest among accounts that ter jargon. Maricas was mostly featured in
retweeted a post originated by a third tweets in support of Bolsonaro in reference
account. It reveals what we may call a ‘listen- to the pandemic, but also, for example, to his
ing’ network and the effective propagation negationist stand on environmental issues.
of tweets by accounts other than the one In that vein, maricas entered the political
that originated the posts. Retweeting pat- vocabulary of the Twitter-sphere with a
terns link contents and accounts that users relatively small variety of meanings. Posts
deem debatable on their networks. Accounts by self-acclaimed true Bolsonaristas in our
that have posts retweeted by one same dataset mobilised the semantics of male dom-
third account can be regarded as connected ination as inflammatory language to execrate
because both accounts are somehow ‘heard’ political adversaries, including former allies
by one same account and are, therefore, part and dissidents. In this case, the main mean-
of the ‘bubble’ around the latter. As a scop- ing of maricas was ‘coward,’ in the context
ing method, a Co-RTN is a more adequate of accusations of disloyalty or treason. In
way to highlight forms of mediation specific a slightly different vein, Bolsonaristas also
38 DOI: 10.37198/APRIA.04.04.a3
APRIA #04 April 2022 Horacio F. Sívori et al.
adopted the term to make broader statements accounts not associated with public figures,
about morality and politics. Maricas always but that are nonetheless very vocal in their
worked as a derogatory name, the attribu- support of Bolsonaro on Twitter. Conversely,
tion of which performs an injurious offence, the second-largest cluster, in green, which
regardless of political alignment. Those prag- is slightly less compact, shows engagement
matics are as relevant as the tweet’s thematic with one post by former Secretary of State,
content, bringing to the fore who posted it, General Carlos Alberto dos Santos Cruz’s
who the post talked about and to whom it account, a former ally now positioned as
was addressed, enacting and renewing a clas- Bolsonaro’s adversary around different
sification of friends and enemies. issues, and accounts that contest Bolsonaro’s
Conversely, however, maricas was also negationism of the pandemic, among other
used in posts contesting either Bolsonaro’s intense criticisms. The pink cluster, the third
negationism regarding the Covid-19 pan- largest of the four main groupings, well con-
demic, in response to his own use of the term nected to the blue one but practically isolated
in the episode that initiated the trend, or to from the green one, is another Bolsonarista
contest his posture, often mockingly, about network. The cluster includes Bolsona-
other issues. In these cases, the term had ro’s own account, as well as the account of
broadly the same negative connotations as Donald Trump, the former US president.
in Bolsonaro’s and his supporters’ (unified) Neither tweeted with the term maricas, but
voice. Still, some tweets questioned Bolson- they were intensely spoken to in the sample.
aro’s use of the term, embedded in broader
critiques of his government’s absurdities,
in particular with regard to the pandemic.
However, as far as the sample can show, a
great majority of occurrences of maricas
indicate an assimilation of the gendered met-
aphor that gives the term its meaning. The
use of the term did not, per se, generate con-
troversy, at least in our sample. Few, if any,
questioned its homophobic, sexist connota-
tion. To look for that sort of questioning, we
needed to make queries outside this dataset
(that is, in posts not as densely co-retweeted), Figure 1 Original graph created
or compare the use of similar terms, as we by Fabio Gouveia. ‘Maricas’ co-
shall see in the following sections. retweet network graph, 2021.
In the Co-RTN shown in the graph
(figure 1),22 four main clusters stand out: The blue cluster represents the largest
the largest one, in blue, highlights active Co-RTN in the maricas sample, with 809
Bolsonarista voices. Accounts belong, accounts, out of a 1,646 total. The accounts
for instance, to the President’s third son, most retweeted in that cluster belong to Bol-
Eduardo Bolsonaro, a congressman who sonarista accounts quite vocal on Twitter.
is very active on Twitter,23 and to Olavo However, these accounts are not associated
de Carvalho, the ultra-right-wing ideo- with public figures. They used maricas
logue considered a guru of the Bolsonarista with or without reference to its meaning
movement. In the blue cluster, we also find in context, as a token of allegiance to their
39 DOI: 10.37198/APRIA.04.04.a3
APRIA #04 April 2022 Horacio F. Sívori et al.
leadership and as a way to inflate the size of BolsonaroSP stands out as another relevant
their following and push the term as a trend- exponent in the blue cluster, reflecting the
ing topic, inciting others to do the same. congressman’s standing among Bolsonar-
Much of their tweeting consists of the mere istas on social media. Just like his father’s,
use of the term, as if they are just shouting his Twitter account is not only heard but is
the word out loud, or else combining it with also spoken to significantly. His only post
either Bolsonarista iconography with no with the term maricas, tweeted on Novem-
commentary or rants about real or imaginary ber 13 (figure 3), repurposes video footage,
political opponents. presumably from the time of the Brazilian
The vast majority of co-retweets of military dictatorship (1964-1985),24 of new
@BolsoTrumpRaiz—a profile identified recruits being introduced to the hardships of
as ‘ultra-conservative right-wing’ and the military training by an army officer. His text
account retweeted the most in the blue explanation refers to the gender script in his
cluster, as well as in the overall sample—cor- father’s message three days earlier, presenting
respond to a November 24 tweet (figure 2). military training as a ‘marica antidote, that is
That tweet expressed scorn for the protest making men be men.’
movement sparked by the killing of a black
customer by security guards at the entrance
of a Carrefour supermarket in the city of
Porto Alegre, a southern Brazilian state
capital and metropolitan area. With an abun-
dance of crude neologisms, innuendo and
double-meaning, one single tweet serves the
multiple purpose of accusing the black rights
movement of reverse racism, while deprecat-
ing Bolsonaro’s political opponents. Other
posts include attacks against the mainstream
media and campaigning for Bolsonaro’s
re-election.
Figure 3 @BolsonaroSP tweet. Tweet by
Eduardo Bolsonaro, a congressman and
son of Jair Bolsonaro. The tweet is his
only mention of the term ‘maricas’ and
shows repurposed video footage from
Figure 2 @BolsoTrumRaiz tweet. The
the Brazilian dictatorship, calling
tweet lambasts Carrefour for closing
military training a ‘marica antidote.’
due to protests against the killing
of a black man by security guards
and calls the protestors ‘maricas.’ The term maricas was also adopted by Bol-
sonaristas to attack former allies whom
As mentioned above, congressman Eduardo they came to see as disloyal to the president.
Bolsonaro tweets profusely. His account @ Among these ardent followers, any form of
40 DOI: 10.37198/APRIA.04.04.a3
APRIA #04 April 2022 Horacio F. Sívori et al.
criticism is seen as a form of treason. General balance and unity. [The country] needs
Carlos Alberto dos Santos Cruz is an army serenity and not a show, spectacle,
hoax, bragging and disrespect.’
officer who was retired by the Bolsonaro
government in 2019 after a message was
Back at Bolsonaro:
attributed to him criticising Bolsonaro and
Contesting Negationism
his sons. The message circulated on social
The green cluster also groups tweets that
media and was later identified as fake.25
use the maricas episode to comment, with
Santos Cruz’s account, @GenSantosCruz, is
outraged irony, on Bolsonaro’s character and
the most retweeted exponent in the green
track record. In other tweets grouped on
cluster and the fourth in the whole sample.
the green cluster, Bolsonaro is reproached
It is densely linked to 559 other accounts.
for calling his fellow citizens maricas in the
Profiles in its network are connected by
context of a broader critique of his genocidal
tweets more critical of Bolsonaro and his
handling of the new coronavirus pandemic.
government.
The biologist Atila Iamarino became a go-to
Like Eduardo Bolsonaro’s, the Gener-
expert on the pandemic; he was popular on
al’s account also stands out for the number
social media and frequently interviewed by
of mentions received (2,790), but in his case,
mainstream news media. His account has a
this was mostly as the target of Bolsonar-
certain prominence in the green cluster as
ista hostility. A November 12 tweet by @
the tenth-most co-retweeted in reference
GenSantosCruz (figure 4) reads: ‘TIRED
to two tweets that mention the term. His
OF [this] SHOW. Brazil is not a country of
presence on the network is intense: those
maricas. [Brazil] is too tolerant of social ine-
two posts were retweeted 1,011 times and @
quality, corruption, privilege. [Brazil] voted
oatila was mentioned 300 times, showing
against extremism and corruption. [Brazil]
that his voice was echoed and he was spoken
voted for balance and unity. [The country]
to as well. A November 22 tweet by Iama-
needs serenity and not a show, spectacle,
rino’s account (figure 5) reads: ‘Do not take
hoax, bragging and disrespect.’ Responses
tests, [tick emoji]; Change Minister of Health
include retweets in support of his statement.
3 times, [tick emoji]; No more bulletins [or]
However, others raise their tone and call
announcements, [tick emoji]; Appoint a
him maricas.
Health Minister who doesn’t know what SUS
[National Public Health System], [tick emoji];
Call the dead sissies, [tick emoji]; Bet on
non-existent immunity, [tick emoji]; Let the
best tests spoil in a shed, [tick emoji]; Brazil
keeps trying hard.’
Figure 4 @GenSantosCruz tweet.
Translation: ‘TIRED OF [this] SHOW.
Brazil is not a country of maricas.
[Brazil] is too tolerant of social
inequality, corruption, privilege.
[Brazil] voted against extremism
and corruption. [Brazil] voted for
41 DOI: 10.37198/APRIA.04.04.a3
APRIA #04 April 2022 Horacio F. Sívori et al.
mainstream newspapers in the country, ran
a brief comment piece by senior columnist
Mônica Bergamo about the president’s public
insistence on disregarding the sanitary pro-
tocols recommended by scientists and health
officials around the world in the context of
the pandemic.27 The most obvious expression
of that attitude was his refusal to wear a face
mask when he met with crowds because ‘[it
was] a fag thing,’ which the article quoted
him saying to visitors apprehensive about
Figure 5 Tweet by biologist @oatila. his attitude. The news that he had allegedly
Translation: ‘Do not take tests, [tick said those words in that context generated
emoji]; Change Minister of Health 3 a movement in response, parodying the
times, [tick emoji]; No more bulletins
remark. Using the hashtag coisadeviado
[or] announcements, [tick emoji];
Appoint a Health Minister who doesn’t (‘afagthing’), all kinds of people posted selfies
know what SUS [National Public Health wearing masks in defence of public health,
System], [tick emoji]; Call the dead many of them with the rainbow colours,
sissies, [tick emoji]; Bet on non- mobilising the symbol of gay pride as a pro-
existent immunity, [tick emoji]; Let
the best tests spoil in a shed, [tick
test against homophobia. Face masks thus
emoji]; Brazil keeps trying hard.’ became a symbol of resistance, ‘a fag thing’
that everyone was proud to do, say or wear.
Yes, It Is a ‘Fag Thing’ Regardless of whether he had actually
As a precedent of the país de maricas episode, used that exact sentence on one occasion or
an earlier dispute involving Brazilian mascu- another, reported by the news piece as hear-
linities, homophobia and negationism of the say, a wide network response added to its
Covid-19 pandemic took the form of a hash- materiality. It was an everyday expression,
tag on Twitter and Instagram. It revolved the meaning of which is only situation-
around another homophobic expression ally offensive,28 that has also been actively
attributed to Bolsonaro, ‘coisa de viado’ (‘a fag reclaimed by queers.29 But in Bolsonaro’s
thing’).26 The trend came up in our searches mouth, it synthesised the role of homophobia
and personal timelines, although we were not in his populist rhetoric and his active boycott
monitoring Twitter trends on the platforms’ of public health responses to the pandemic; in
back-end via API at the time, as we later did. both cases, it was an appeal to his bases and
Therefore, our documentation of this epi- a provocation to his political adversaries and
sode is based on mainstream and alternative critics. In response, the hashtag echoed the
online media coverage and user-interface newspaper column’s denunciation of Bolson-
queries. The dispute is revealing about the aro’s active denial of the Covid-19 pandemic
combined performative effect of homophobic and of his homophobic remarks by appropri-
speech embedded in Bolsonarista discourse ating ‘coisa de viado’ with a reverse meaning.
and its repercussions on social media. The negative connotation expressed in the
On July 7, 2020, the day when, after context of Bolsonaro’s alleged use of the term
showing mild symptoms, Bolsonaro was replaced by a positive meaning adopted
announced that he had tested positive for the by his critics. The expression became part of
coronavirus, Folha de São Paulo, one of the top a repertoire of ironies about Bolsonaro—as
42 DOI: 10.37198/APRIA.04.04.a3APRIA #04 April 2022 Horacio F. Sívori et al.
a reversal of his voice’s homophobic conno- In some Twitter posts, ‘coisa de viado’ still
tations and of the symbolism of the mask retains its pejorative connotation, high-
as unmanly. As a trending topic, the mask lighting its currency as an insult. A July 15
and its associated visuality signified care, post shared a New York Times opinion piece
responsibility, solidarity, dare to love, and that compared Bolsonaro to Donald Trump
the celebration of alternative masculinities. and quoted Brazilian YouTuber Felipe Neto
A front-end search for the #coisadeviado on (figure 7). The post’s text content celebrates
Instagram on July 14, 2020, gave more than Neto for that success. A July 16 reply marked
500 valid results. with the hashtag (also figure 7) is an attack
Men and women, particularly health- on both the author of the post and on Neto,
care professionals, adopted the symbol and casting doubt on their manhood: ‘You make
the hashtag in their posts (figure 6). Related a nice couple.’ Besides ironically suggesting
themes included the government’s failure that they are gay, the replier goes further by
to respond to the pandemic consistently, its calling them ‘affected’ and ‘hysterical,’ two
negationist agenda, Bolsonaro’s hypocrisy, negative, feminising qualities, as well as
other healthcare issues, etc. News media ‘cheats.’
reported the phenomenon, added their com-
ments and compiled posts, especially from
Twitter, often mentioning fellow journalist
Mônica Bergamo’s column as its origin. In
addition to visual icons and photos, links to
those news and comment pieces were also
soon posted, reposted and replied to. In an
ironic twist, some posts featured Bolsonaro
with a mask on, shrugging.
Figure 7 @augustodeAB & @clau_
perl tweets. The replier uses
negative, feminising words, such
as ‘affected’ and ‘hysterical.’
The hashtag lost momentum over the fol-
lowing weeks, but the expression ‘a fag thing’
entered the catalogue of Bolsonaro absurdi-
ties and was adopted as part of a social media
vernacular. It was transformed from a banal,
mildly offensive homophobic remark to a
symbol of resistance against toxic masculini-
Figure 6 @coisadeviado collage ties and obscurantism.
of Instagram screenshots.
43 DOI: 10.37198/APRIA.04.04.a3APRIA #04 April 2022 Horacio F. Sívori et al.
Social Media Affordabilities subject to language classifications and dissi-
and Linguistic Nuance dent from what is prescribed as ‘natural.’
The open hostility against the LGBTQ+ Bolsonarista homophobia performs
community by Bolsonaro and his entourage hegemonic masculinity as a constitutive
cannot be dissociated from the primary role aspect of a political identity and creates a
of the anti-gender and anti-sexual rights hostile environment for feminists and sexual
agenda of his government.30 Nor can it be minorities. Diffuse and seemingly random
dissociated from the surge in misogynist, provocations follow the logic of trolling.
racist and homo-lesbo-transphobic online According to Herring et al.,34 there are two
threats and verbal attacks against candi- possible outcomes of systematic attempts to
dates to public office in the 2020 municipal disrupt online spaces. One is the strengthen-
elections.31 In connection with those two ing of an attacked group’s identity, especially
contexts, this article has interrogated the through informal, witty, spontaneous forms
role of apparently milder—more ambiguous of resistance. However, if a space no longer
or more easily naturalised—forms of hate feels safe because of trolls, its members may
speech and expressions of gender and sexual feel forced to leave or stop engaging. Thus,
prejudice that aid the assemblage and disas- trolling behaviour can lead to the deteriora-
semblage of political identities performed by tion of online environments.
digital populism.32 In materialising the status More recently, Whitney Phillips asso-
of sexual minorities as morally inferior, hate ciated the role of trolling behaviour with
speech and prejudice produce forms of sym- the current fascist turn on the internet
bolic violence that reveal social inequalities and its electoral outcomes.35 The mid and
and the workings of oppression. However, late 2000s saw an overlap between trolling
the affordabilities33 of different platforms subculture and a further-reaching internet
also aid the use of other genres and the crea- culture that encompassed the expansion of
tion of alternative codes as sites of resistance. social media. Popular culture absorbed the
The maricas Co-RTN revealed the suc- extreme irony and detached humour of both.
cessful amplification of Bolsonaro’s message Phillips highlights how the mainstreaming
among a densely connected network of fol- of those supposedly ‘fun’ and apparently
lowers, or else competent users of that code, harmless things has all along obscured their
without much interference from outsiders violent, undemocratic potential. In an earlier
who were neatly isolated from his camp. report,36 we interpreted outsider trolling at
Conversely, Twitter, and to a greater extent lesbian Orkut37 communities as semantic
Instagram, also facilitated a successful move- disputes around the issue of online security.
ment of contestation, delineated by the ‘coisa For women and minorities in the pursuit of
de viado’ trending topic, perhaps due in part safer spaces, violence is very real, as is—we
to the higher currency of the key term ‘viado’ might add now—the harm produced by the
in Brazilian slang. Instagram’s privilege of blindness of privileged others.38
visual content was particularly suited to the In the field of design, the term affor-
imagetic symbology mobilised by the #cois- dance designates the scope of relational
adeviado. This affordance allowed users to properties that make a material instrument
repurpose the two elements in dispute—mask useful for human action. Social media affor-
and viado—as catchy visual icons with pros- dances are often attributed a determining
thetic potential. That is, as body extensions role in relation to the content and effects
that enable the performance of identities less of the interactions that they mediate, by
44 DOI: 10.37198/APRIA.04.04.a3APRIA #04 April 2022 Horacio F. Sívori et al.
means of physical devices, user interfaces Horacio F. Sívori
and digital networks. As a corrective to Horacio F. Sívori is associate professor
at the Institute of Social Medicine,
technological determinism in her feminist State University of Rio de Janeiro (IMS/
‘critical’ approach to digital socialities, Jes- UERJ), and chair of the Latin American
salynn Keller seeks to encompass ‘not only Center on Sexuality and Human Rights.
He is a social anthropologist (M.A. and
the multiple qualities of social relationships PhD), with research on HIV and LGBTQ
facilitated through digital media but also legal activism, moral conservatism and
the uneven power relationships that often sexual rights, and digital activism.
Besides regular topic seminars, he
shape these encounters [and] the struc- teaches the core track on social science
tural inequalities exploited by the design methodology at the Graduate Program
of the internet.’39 She adopts the concept of in Collective Health at IMS/UERJ.
‘platform vernacular’ after Gibbs et al. 40 to Bruno Zilli
highlight that online ‘communication genres Bruno Zilli is an anthropologist,
develop not only from the affordances of par- with an M.A. in Public Health and
a PhD in Social Sciences. As an
ticular social media platforms but also from associate researcher at the Latin
the mediated practices and communicative American Center on Sexuality and
habits of users.’41 Human Rights, he has participated in
research projects on sexuality, gender,
In her article on girls’ social media human rights, mental health, and the
feminisms, Keller concludes that we ‘need to internet. He is executive editor of
better understand the concept of affordance Sexuality, Health and Society - Latin
American Journal, and of the Brazilian
through a feminist lens, which can shed light Journal of International Affairs.
on the gendered operations of power across
various digital media platforms.’42 As she Bibliography
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Keller, Jessalynn, ‘“Oh, She’s a 0.1590/01031813685291420200409.
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Relatorio_MonitorA-ENG.pdf
Healthy Behaviours and Mitigating 4 For a comprehensive, processual
the Harm from Misinformation and critical theory interpretation of
Disinformation,’ September 23, Bolsonaro’s rise, see C. Rocha et
2020, https://www.who.int/news/ al., The Bolsonaro Paradox (São
item/23-09-2020-managing-the- Paulo: Springer & Friedrich Ebert
covid-19-infodemic-promoting- Stiftung Brasil, 2021), https://doi.
healthy-behaviours-and-mitigating- org/10.1007/978-3-030-79653-2_4.
org/10.1007/978-3-030-79653-2_4
the-harm-from-misinformation- 5 For a thorough discussion of
and-disinformation.
and-disinformation homophobic hate speech and its
implications for Brazilian law, see
Thiago Dias Oliva, ‘O Discurso de
Ódio Contra as Minorias Sexuais e
os Limites da Liberdade de Expressão
Endnotes no Brasil,’ M.A. thesis, University
1 We thank our FIRN colleagues Namita of São Paulo School of Law, 2014.
Aavriti and Mariana Fossatti 6 Letícia Cesarino, ‘How Social
Cabrera, copy editor Shaun Lavelle, Media Affords Populist Politics:
and two anonymous reviewers for Remarks on Liminality Based on
their suggestions and feedback on the Brazilian Case,’ Trabalhos em
this article. This research was made Linguística Aplicada, 59 no. 1
in partnership with the Association (2020), DOI: http://dx.doi.org/1
for Progressive Communications (APC) 0.1590/01031813686191620200410.
0.1590/01031813686191620200410
with support from the International 7 Victor Turner, ‘Liminality and
Development Research Centre (IDRC, Communitas,’ in The Ritual Process:
Canada) and the Coordination for Structure and Anti-Structure, pp.
the Improvement of Higher Education 94-130 (Chicago: Aldine, 1969).
Personnel (CAPES/Brazil). 8 Cesarino 2020, p. 412.
2 Sonia Corrêa and Isabela Kalil, 9 Cesarino 2020, pp. 420-421.
‘The Case of Brazil,’ in Anti- 10 Daniel N. Silva, ‘The Pragmatics
Gender politics in Latin America. of Chaos: Parsing Bolsonaro’s
Country Case Studies Summaries, Undemocratic Language,’ Trabalhos
ed. Sonia Corrêa, pp. 47-65 (Rio em Linguística Aplicada 59, no.
de Janeiro: ABIA, 2020), http:// 1 (2020), DOI: https://doi.org/1
sxpolitics.org/GPAL/uploads/E- 0.1590/01031813685291420200409.
0.1590/01031813685291420200409
book-Resumos-completo.pdf.
book-Resumos-completo.pdf 11 Silva 2020, p. 531.
3 Caio CV Machado, ‘WhatsApp’s 12 Cesarino 2020, p. 421.
Influence in the Brazilian Election 13 World Health Organization,
and How It Helped Jair Bolsonaro joint statement by WHO, UN,
Win,’ Council on Foreign Relations UNICEF, UNDP, UNESCO, UNAIDS,
100, November 13, 2018, https://www. ITU, UN Global Pulse, and IFRC:
cfr.org/blog/whatsapps-influence- ‘Managing the COVID-19 Infodemic:
brazilian-election-and-how-it- Promoting Healthy Behaviours
helped-jair-bolsonaro-win; Cristina and Mitigating the Harm from
Tardáguila, Fabrício Benevenuto, Misinformation and Disinformation,’
and Pablo Ortellado, ‘Fake News September 23, 2020, https://www.
47 DOI: 10.37198/APRIA.04.04.a3APRIA #04 April 2022 Horacio F. Sívori et al.
who.int/news/item/23-09-2020- 20 Analysis conducted by Fabio Gouveia.
managing-the-covid-19-infodemic- See Ray R. Larson, ‘Bibliometrics of
promoting-healthy-behaviours- the World Wide Web: An Exploratory
and-mitigating-the-harm-from- Analysis of the Intellectual
misinformation-and-disinformation.
misinformation-and-disinformation Structure of Cyberspace,’
14 As we write this article and the Proceedings of ASIS96, pp. 71-78
death toll of the pandemic in Brazil (1996), http://sherlock.berkeley.
reaches 600,000 reported losses, edu/asis96/asis96.html; Fabio Castro
the testimonies of former Ministers Gouveia, ‘Acoplamento de Retuítes:
of Health and other government Um Estudo Exploratório Sobre a
officials before the Covid-19 Facada em Bolsonaro,’ Colóquio
Parliamentary Inquiry Commission de Análise de Redes Aplicada.
(CPI) hold Bolsonaro responsible ISEG (Lisbon University, July 11-
for promoting ‘early treatment’ 12, 2019), http://157.86.228.6/
with chloroquine well after that index.php/coloquioanaliseredes/
drug’s efficacy and safety were cara2019/paper/view/537.
ruled out by scientific consensus, 21 Richard Rogers, ‘Otherwise Engaged:
and for refusing to negotiate Social Media from Vanity Metrics to
with pharmaceutical companies, Critical Analytics,’ International
delaying the acquisition of life- Journal of Communication 12
saving vaccines for months. (2018): pp. 450-472, https://
15 As part of the strategy which pure.uva.nl/ws/files/22792936/
eschews mainstream and traditional Rogers_IJOC_6407_30088_3_PB.pdf.
Rogers_IJOC_6407_30088_3_PB.pdf
media channels in favour of 22 Interactive version available here.
social media communication tools, 23 https://en.wikipedia.org/
Bolsonaro has hosted weekly live wiki/Eduardo_Bolsonaro.
wiki/Eduardo_Bolsonaro
transmissions on Facebook, in lieu 24 Bolsonaro often boasts his
of a presidential address to the revisionist view of the military
nation. This was the case even regime, which contradicts the broad
before the Covid-19 pandemic and democratic consensus that has been
was unrelated to social distancing. constructed over the past 35 years
16 France 24, ‘Brazil Economy “Can’t in Brazil. Besides a glorification
Stop” for Coronavirus: Bolsonaro,’ of militarism and his justification
March 30, 2020, https:// of torture and the suspension of
www.france24.com/en/20200329- legal guarantees, Bolsonaristas hold
brazil-economy-can-t-stop-for- a nostalgic view of the discipline,
coronavirus-bolsonaro. Although
coronavirus-bolsonaro prosperity and morals that they
long discredited, Bolsonaro attribute to that period. A new
reiterated his stance on social military coup headed by Bolsonaro
distancing at the 2021 UN General is an open possibility as a last
Assembly. See UN News, ‘Brazilian resource against his enemies.
President Commits Country to 25 https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/
Climate Neutrality by 2050,’ Carlos_Alberto_dos_Santos_Cruz.
Carlos_Alberto_dos_Santos_Cruz
September 21, 2021, https://news. 26 In Brazilian Portuguese, viado is a
un.org/en/story/2021/09/1100472.
un.org/en/story/2021/09/1100472 derogatory term for male homosexual.
17 See the full transcript Its homophone veado most frequently
here (in Portuguese). refers to ‘male deer,’ although
18 Michel Misse, O Estigma do both spellings are interchangeable.
Passivo Sexual: Um Símbolo de There isn’t a consensus about the
Estigma no Discurso Cotidiano, etymology of the term. Associations
3rd (revised) ed. (Rio de are made with transviado (masc.
Janeiro: Booklink: NECVU/IFCS/ sing. noun), misfit, aimless; with
UFRJ: LeMetro/IFCS/UFRJ, 2007). the 1942 Disney feature Bambi,
19 As noted by Netlytics developers, known for its meek and delicate
Twitter’s search service, and by appearance; or with both.
extension its search API, does not 27 Mônica Bergamo, ‘Máscara é “Coisa
guarantee a thorough collection de Viado”, Dizia Bolsonaro na
of tweets. Not all tweets will Frente de Visitas,’ Folha de São
be indexed or made available via Paulo, July 7, 2020, https://
the search interface. https:// www1.folha.uol.com.br/colunas/
netlytic.org/home/?page_id=10834 monicabergamo/2020/07/mascara-
48 DOI: 10.37198/APRIA.04.04.a3APRIA #04 April 2022 Horacio F. Sívori et al.
e-coisa-de-v-dizia-bolsonaro- 37 Orkut was a social networking
na-frente-de-visitas.shtml.
na-frente-de-visitas.shtml service operated by Google.
28 The semantic ambiguity of terms 38 Rocha et al. cite the maricas
whose offensiveness is contextual and coisa de viado episodes
raises the issue of local context to illustrate the Bolsonaro’s
and conventions in social media capacity ‘to attribute an anti-
content moderation: how can the system dimension to dominant social
actual meaning of a post be assessed positions, especially, in Brazil’s
based only on its terminology? case, regarding issues of gender
29 An example of a non-derogatory and sexuality.’ By those discursive
use of terms such as viado is its means, he gathered support in a
inverted meaning as a prevalent constituency that is not far-right,
stylistic feature of Gayspeak in ‘transforming hate speech into an
many languages (and other subaltern acceptable and desirable rhetoric
sociolects, such as African- of political incorrectness, and
American English), whereby the voicing feelings of anger, revolt,
stigma is contested by means of and marginalization.’ (2021, p.146).
its reappropriation as a symbol 39 Jessalynn Keller, ‘“Oh, She’s a
of intimacy and solidarity among Tumblr Feminist”: Exploring the
those who share it. In the context Platform Vernacular of Girls’ Social
of joking relations, peers may Media Feminisms,’ Social Media +
call each other ‘fag’ not as an Society (2019), pp. 1-11, p. 2,
insult but to signal intense DOI: https://journals.sagepub.
social proximity and affect. com/doi/10.1177/2056305119867442
30 Corrêa and Kalil 2020. 40 Martin Gibbs, James Meese,
31 Azmina and InternetLab 2021. Michael Arnold, Bjorn Nansen
32 Cesarino 2020. & Marcus Cartera, ‘#Funeral
33 Borrowed from the field of design, and Instagram: Death, Social
affordability in social media Media and Platform Vernacular,’
studies refers to the range Information, Communication &
of possibilities that a given Society 18, pp. 255-268, DOI:
platform’s interactive features 10.1080/1369118X.2014.987152.
offer to its users. We adopt the 41 Keller 2019, p. 4.
perspective that those features and 42 Keller 2019, p.8.
their meanings are co-constructed 43 Beatriz Gurgel & Guilherme
and permanently repurposed Venagliada, ‘Após MP Devolvida,
by both users and designers. Bolsonaro Envia Projeto para
See notes 42 and 43 below. Alterar Marco Civil da Internet,’
34 Susan Herring et al, ‘Searching CNN Brasil, September 20, 2021,
for Safety Online: Managing https://www.cnnbrasil.com.br/
“Trolling” in a Feminist Forum,’ politica/apos-mp-devolvida-
The Information Society 18.5 bolsonaro-envia-projeto-para-
(2002): pp. 371-384, https://doi. alterar-marco-civil-da-internet/.
alterar-marco-civil-da-internet/
org/10.1080/01972240290108186.
org/10.1080/01972240290108186
35 Whitney Phillips, ‘It Wasn’t Just
the Trolls: Early Internet Culture,
“Fun,” and the Fires of Exclusionary
Laughter,’ Social Media + Society
5, no. 3 (2019), https://doi.
org/10.1177/2056305119849493.
org/10.1177/2056305119849493
36 Sonia Corrêa et al, ‘Internet
Regulation and Sexual politics in
Brazil,’ in EROTICS: Sex, Rights
and the Internet. An Exploratory
Research Study, Association for
Progressive Communications, 2011,
pp. 19-65, https://www.apc.org/
sites/default/files/EROTICS_0.pdf.
sites/default/files/EROTICS_0.pdf
49 DOI: 10.37198/APRIA.04.04.a3You can also read
